Hispanic-American Acculturation: Language, Depression, and Political Trust

Introduction and Research Overview

Successful acculturation of Hispanic-Americans involves much more than a physical move to a new country. It augurs an independent existence in the United States that is facilitated by language acquisition, the development of trust in the American government, and sufficiently high levels of mental well-being during the transition to a dramatically new environment. Previous studies have discussed all these components individually, but have omitted variables necessary for a fuller comprehension of the subject.

The aim of this paper is to examine the acculturation process of Hispanic-Americans as segmented into three parts: language acquisition, the potential for the development of depression, and the factors contributing to the development of political trust — and to do so in as thorough and complete a manner as possible.

Language Acquisition Among Hispanic Immigrants

The sample used for all three components constituted a randomized sample of Hispanic immigrants obtained from the New Immigrant Survey data (2003). Immigrants originated from Central and South American countries, and the survey provided data on family ties, self-reported level of language ability, and other variables related to immigration and personal characteristics such as education level, visa status at time of immigration, and country of origin. An OLS regression model was used in each component, variously employing self-reported language variables, self-reported civic ties or relationship factors, and self-reported connections with relations in immediate or distant countries as independent factors. Dependent variable sensitivity testing was conducted using an ordinal logistic model as a base.

The term "acculturation" refers to the process of adopting a new code of cultural attitudes, behavioral norms, and values and beliefs (Gordon, 1964). Previous research shows that the acquisition of language skills enables immigrants to obtain higher-paying jobs in better work environments, to perform better in educational settings, and to gain increased access to social aid services such as financial assistance, housing, and healthcare. Proficiency in English also equips immigrants with knowledge of their rights, providing them with a safer and fuller life as citizens across many facets of daily experience.

Studies also find that Hispanics, more than any other immigrant group, are resistant to learning English — particularly in enclaves where English is not spoken by family or friends. Research suggests that resistance to language acquisition is threefold: it is tied to the immigrant's country of origin, to a lack of socioeconomic opportunity, and to the influence of family ties.

This argument, however, is too simplistic and insufficient, because language acquisition is a choice rather than an inevitable passive outcome of exposure. Numerous studies show that Hispanic immigrants who arrive in America with little or no English gradually acquire sufficient — if not commendable — language skills in order to obtain financial security. It is older immigrants of retirement age who, lacking the incentive to acquire the language, remain deficient in English. While older immigrants may resist new language acquisition as a means of preserving their native language and corresponding heritage, the younger generation — which stands to benefit educationally, professionally, and socially from learning English — often encourages parents and grandparents to learn English in order to facilitate communication with them.

For this reason, the two explanations most commonly given for Hispanic resistance to learning English — socioeconomic conditions and attachment to the home country — are unsatisfactory on their own. The family ties argument comes closest to explaining language acquisition patterns. It is in the push/pull relationship between children and adults, where the younger generation encourages older family members to acquire the language, that older immigrants subsequently achieve some degree of English acquisition. It is in the absence of such a dynamic that immigrants are more often marked by language deficiency. A more comprehensive treatment of this subject must also investigate the influence of other relationships — such as spousal connections (i.e., whether the spouse is or is not a native English speaker) — and the potential gender differences in how these relationships affect language acquisition. Women face a dual expectation as both family caretakers and financial contributors, creating a distinct push/pull situation in which they are simultaneously compelled to preserve cultural traditions and to learn English in order to support their families.

The push/pull theory predicts that while immigrant parents tend to insulate themselves and their families from perceived harmful acculturating influences, the "pull" factor of the younger generation compels them to acquire some level of English. Using this theory as a base, the objective of this segment was to investigate three hypotheses: (1) that the location of family ties impacts their effect on language acquisition; (2) that ties extending beyond the parent-child relationship also matter; and (3) that men and women differ in how family ties affect language acquisition.

The statistical results supported the push/pull theory by demonstrating that ties to children are generally negative in terms of language acquisition, while ties to parents — particularly mothers — are positive. There was no significant finding for fathers, which may indicate that mothers, given their dual role responsibilities, are more vulnerable to push/pull factors and therefore more susceptible to acculturation via younger-generation influences.

Testing for the impact of location in family ties revealed that immigrants with kin in the United States reported significantly weaker English language skills than those who reported no kin in America. Apparently, the absence of kin in the country signaled a greater necessity for English acquisition. The effect of location on ties to children, however, provided no clear data, as all ties were significant and apparent. The study also analyzed ties to spouses and found that immigrants married to native English speakers demonstrated stronger English language acquisition. The reverse was also true: marrying a non-American significantly hindered the immigrant's acquisition of English.

Family Distance and the Risk of Depression

Women are often the "social glue" that holds the family together across great distances, and this can exert a tremendous amount of pressure on the immigrant woman (Mahler, 1999, 2001; Parrenas, 2005; Sarkisian, Gerena, & Gestal, 2007). Their responsibilities extend to maintaining communication with — and oftentimes caring for — distant kin, as well as providing financial support for children in their immediate household. Female Hispanic immigrants are, therefore, often prone to depression that deepens, particularly when left untreated, into a heightened sense of helplessness that impedes their roles as caretakers and financial providers and aggravates the cycle.

Although much research has been conducted on immigrant family ties, little has examined the role that geographic distance plays in those ties. This study aimed to fill that gap. The hypotheses in this section were twofold: first, that distant kin ties maintained with family in other countries are less beneficial and more costly than proximate kin ties; and second, that men and women would be enabled or constrained by their family ties in different ways, with women showing greater constraint from kindred ties than men.

The regression analysis found support for both hypotheses, indicating that distance played an enormous role in mitigating the effect of ties — particularly on immediate family members such as parents, spouses, and children. Gender differences were also observed, with the impact of kin distance more strongly affecting female immigrants than male immigrants.

Both men and women benefited from having their spouse live in the United States. When the reverse was true — particularly in the case of women with husbands living outside the U.S. — the woman was more likely to suffer from depression. Similarly, women whose children lived outside the U.S. were more vulnerable to depression than those whose children lived with them in the country. Interestingly, women appear to be more enabled by having their father living in the U.S. with them, while men are more enabled by having their mothers nearby. This is reflected in lower depression rates among men with mothers in the same country and lower depression rates among women with fathers nearby.