This paper examines how conflicting social norms shape the school environment, drawing on sociological theory and Ernesto Quinonez's novel Bodega Dreams. It explores the nature and function of social norms across disciplines including sociology, economics, and game theory, then applies these concepts to the Latino community of Spanish Harlem. Using characters such as Chino, Bodega, and Nazario, the paper analyzes how identity, street culture, race, and economic inequality intersect to undermine educational achievement. It argues that when the values promoted by schools conflict with the social and economic realities students face, dysfunctional behavior and dropout rates increase — perpetuating a self-fulfilling cycle of disadvantage.
Social norms can be defined as the rules that determine what should be done or avoided by people in their social settings and circumstances. Norms ensure that people keep commitments, ranging from which lane to drive in to adhering to the golden rule. They are tools for explaining phenomena and are used to analyze the state of the world — from international diplomacy to something as ordinary as traffic regulations. However, the body of knowledge regarding norms is spread across disciplines and research traditions, with unclear guidelines or consensus on how the term should be applied. Existing research on the subject has largely focused on the effects and content of norms. By definition, social norms cut across disciplines such as sociology, game theory, economics, and legal studies in order to offer an integrated theoretical and scientific account of the way norms emerge, persist, or fade (Hechter and Opp 4).
The purpose of social norms is to act as a balancing device for people's expectations in their complex daily interactions. Norms govern a broad range of issues such as property ownership, contracts, perceptions of justice, and communication forms. They ensure uniformity of behavior within a particular social group, yet frequently vary significantly between groups. Norms also change over time, triggered by shifts in circumstances or by changes in how people view life and collective expectations. The intricacies of this process can be understood through evolutionary game theory, which highlights that some norms are more stable than others over the long term (Hechter and Opp 4).
In some situations, norms come into conflict with interests at both the group and individual level. These apparent anomalies can be analyzed by carefully examining the interests at play in specific circumstances. At the individual level, people take interest in the outcomes of their own behavior, but they may also benefit from membership in a group. In other words, individuals have an interest in the survival of their broader community. Under risky and uncertain circumstances — particularly when the prospect of individual achievement seems dim — the advantages of group membership can outweigh individual aims. Consequently, individuals are unlikely to accept behaviors that might weaken the group, such as seeking opportunities outside of it (Hechter and Opp 17).
In order to better understand social norms conflict, Ernesto Quinonez's novel Bodega Dreams brings into perspective the gentrification of Spanish Harlem and the efforts of the charismatic former Young Lord, William Irizarry — better known in El Barrio as Willie Bodega — to rebuild the neighborhood while preserving its affordability for Latino immigrants. Bodega uses the proceeds from drug dealing to pressure New York City planning officials into striking deals with him. His plan is to cultivate a class of college-educated residents in El Barrio who would coexist with the white yuppies settling in Spanish Harlem, and in doing so, give something back to the community.
The essence of social identity cannot be overemphasized. It is yet another aspect of social conflict that Quinonez highlights. When an individual views themselves as a member of a particular group and views others as belonging to different groups, it has clear consequences for how they think about others and the attitudes they form. Categorization leads people to emphasize similarities within their group and differences from others. This process is especially significant for social groups, because such groups are often assumed to represent natural categories — that is, categories assumed to reflect something intrinsic about a person's nature (Thye and Lawler 236).
Self-evaluation, depersonalization, and social categorization give intergroup and intragroup behavior a distinguishing character. Nevertheless, the practical content of group behavior is shaped by the more social dimension of one's identity. Stereotypes — particularly those we hold about our own group and about others — are not merely descriptive but functional. The stereotype of another group that one seeks to exploit, or has exploited in the past, may signal their perceived backwardness, ineffectiveness, and inability to manage their own affairs. There tends to be a system of beliefs that serves to preserve one's group and the status quo through self-serving interests (Thye and Lawler 208).
In Quinonez's explanation, the implication of fourteen families rioting on behalf of Bodega is made vivid. These are families willing to die for him. The image Bodega wants Chino to form of him is one of a protector of Spanish Harlem's people. Bodega, of course, expects total loyalty from those he cares for. He engages in a wide range of unorthodox activities and businesses; the larger his following, the better. He ensures he is surrounded by people so that when the moment comes to react, he can remain still (Quinonez 29).
If one had a name beyond the one given by their mother, it signified status — either in school or on the block. Without such a name, a person was considered meaningless. They became the punching bag of the group. Sapo taught the narrator that what mattered was not losing a fight but refusing to back down. It was better to be seen losing than yielding. That way, older members of the neighborhood would hesitate before picking a fight. As the narrator recounts: "Sapo told me that if I backed down once, I would keep backing down for the rest of my life" (Quinonez 4). Sapo was the type who beat other kids around, but he was different — he never seemed to need a teacher. He was arguably the toughest, if not the most attractive, kid on the block, and he was the narrator's friend. With such an ally, there seemed to be hope of earning a name. The narrator dropped the name Julio — his name from home — and sought out fights in pursuit of street identity (Quinonez 4).
Nazario mixed his education with a quality of politeness that endeared him to those around him. He was both respected and feared in the neighborhood. Behind his pleasant smile was a sharp and inventive mind. He did not look like Bodega. Nothing escaped his black eyes; he seemed capable of reading a person's thoughts. Quinonez's description of Nazario serves as evidence of how formalized education wielded influence in the Spanish Harlem community. Nazario's knowledge and conduct gave him power without requiring him to engage in overt dirty work. He could manipulate his surroundings through education and intellect. Willy's description of Nazario's eyes also signals the nature of their relationship — while Willy's eyes are filled with sadness, Nazario possesses "black holes," suggesting Willy's dependence on Nazario, who provides the strategic acumen needed to get things done (Quinonez 208).
The story of Bodega Dreams follows a young man who comes into contact with the revered Willie Bodega — gangster, activist, and dreamer. In their first meeting, Bodega explains to Chino how his property business, Harry Goldstein Real Estate Agency, operates. The firm's name gives him a degree of legitimacy in Manhattan. On closer inspection, however, the agency is a front for his illicit dealings. It nonetheless provides Bodega with the goodwill he needs in El Barrio. The agency appears to assist tenants and handle cases quickly. Bodega intends to expand his territory by purchasing abandoned buildings, with ambitions to own some of the most valuable real estate in the city (Quinonez 37).
While Bodega is clearly an intriguing figure to Chino, Chino cannot understand why both Nazario and Bodega would take an interest in him. According to Bodega, Chino represents a new class of professionals emerging in Spanish Harlem and would serve as a role model. Chino does not take the conversation seriously and, conscious that Blanca would be upset about his being out so late, declines Bodega's offer. He admires Bodega nonetheless, detecting a measure of honesty within his dishonesty. The wider community of Spanish Harlem is on the verge of boiling over, tense with the pressures of high rents and diminishing social services (Quinonez 38).
"Examines economic and political barriers to education"
"How street norms infiltrate and undermine schooling"
While Sapo and Chino had teachers who cared for them and, indeed, made a difference, it was not enough most of the time. Even with the efforts of teachers like Tapia, being consistently subjected to statements implying that they were worthless — that they would end up on the streets regardless — caused young minds to internalize those messages and make poor decisions. Because they were repeatedly told they were cultureless and unintelligent, they lived up to the stereotype. There were no incentives to prove otherwise (Quinonez 6).
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