Psychology of Criminals and Mental Illness in Correctional Facilities

Introduction

This paper analyzes the psychology of criminal behavior, with a specific focus on the mental status of criminals in correctional facilities — both before entering and upon release. The research attempts to define whether any connections exist between an offender's personal background, such as age, sex, finances, or family circumstances, and rates of psychological impairment or mental illness resulting from incarceration.

The paper also provides statistical facts and figures linking mental and psychological illness with correctional facilities, in an effort to define the types of and causes for psychological and mental illness in criminals upon release. Further, it assesses the psyche of offenders who commit crimes after release, including an overview of the psychology of those who would prefer to return to jail compared with those who seek redemption or rehabilitation. To address these questions, the paper compares and contrasts outcomes for a person granted parole versus one placed on probation. The results of the analysis explore whether probation is always the best outcome for someone whose mental illness has been exacerbated by incarceration.

Analysis of Mental Illness and Incarceration

Pustilnik (2005) provides some of the most comprehensive research on the effects of prison or incarceration on the mind, especially with respect to mental illness resulting from confinement. Pustilnik hypothesizes that confinement within correctional institutions may create "intangible social value" when criminals are taught personal responsibility. However, the author also notes that reform is typically only possible among criminals who feel remorse (p. 217) and among those who receive therapeutic assistance while incarcerated to address mental illness as it emerges within the correctional facility. For the purposes of this paper, remorse includes feelings an offender experiences — such as guilt or a sense of obligation to correct their actions — after committing an offense. There is ample evidence that some criminals experience remorse while others do not. The psychology supporting this is straightforward: criminal confinement can reinforce norms that equate to personal responsibility and social value, and can provide social meaning and a context for living a just and respectable life (Pustilnik, 2005).

With respect to mental illness, Pustilnik (2005), like many researchers before him (Lawrence, 1987), notes that most incarcerated criminals have a predisposition to or already suffer from some form of mental illness that may go unaddressed upon incarceration. The effects of incarceration often include a worsening of symptoms, preventing those on probation from leading normal lives unless their circumstances are strictly regulated (Gutterman, 2000). Statistics suggest that as much as 40% of those who are mentally ill are incarcerated not because they have committed offenses serious enough to warrant punishment, but because they are mentally ill and there are insufficient government resources to care for them (Pustilnik, 2005).

Pustilnik (2005) and others (Gutterman, 2005) hypothesize that it is difficult to determine the extent to which mental illness arises from incarceration, because in many instances the criminal justice system "functions as the United States' default asylum system" (Pustilnik, 2005, p. 217) — meaning that roughly one in five people with a mental illness are confined in a correctional facility or, if fortunate, treated for their condition. Confinement of individuals with a preexisting or undiagnosed mental illness may lead to a worsening of symptoms and an increased risk for harmful behaviors upon release, if those individuals are not provided rehabilitation programs focused on treating their mental illness (Pustilnik, 2005) — whether that illness stems from familial, genetic, environmental, or other factors. There is ample evidence in the literature supporting environmental, familial, and socioeconomic causes for mental illness among the incarcerated, including lack of familial support, financial instability, and limited access to quality healthcare (Pustilnik, 2005). Among the more common illnesses that may temporarily improve but often worsen after release — particularly when incarcerated individuals do not receive therapeutic treatment — are depression, anxiety, and drug and alcohol dependence (Pustilnik, 2005; Bowers, 2000).

Social and Environmental Roots of Mental Illness

Bowers (2000) synthesizes the research of multiple scholars to argue that mental illness is, for many individuals, social in nature. A criminal who receives parole and is provided ample therapeutic support upon release is likely to perform well in society, whereas one left without such support is more likely to exhibit a worsening of symptoms. Individuals on probation who receive no therapeutic support are more likely to demonstrate increasing mental illness, particularly in the form of anxiety disorders, depression, and drug or alcohol dependence (Bowers, 2000). This social dimension of mental illness underscores the importance of community-based support networks and structured reentry programs for those leaving correctional facilities.

Conclusion

There is a great potential for reform if those in power within correctional facilities pay more attention to the needs of criminals while incarcerated. If provided opportunities for therapy, former criminals upon release are much more likely to combat mental illness effectively and contribute meaningfully to society.