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Psychology Terrorism The Stuff IT'S Made Of Essay

Psychology Terrorism THE STUFF IT'S MADE OF

Psychology Terrorism

Psychological Profile of a Terrorist

More than four decades of investigation on the profiling of terrorists yielded two major findings (Hudson, 1999; Nance, 2008). First, there does not seem to a single terrorist personality by which they can be profiled. Terrorism psychologists, political scientists and sociologists shared this consensus. Terrorist personalities are as varied as practitioners in the legal profession or any group. Terrorists do not possess neatly identifiable personality traits by which they can be visibly detected. Second, terrorists are not typically diagnosably psychopathic or mentally sick. Although they act and proceed with their task out of a delusional view of the world, they are actually and ironically sane and quite deliberate (Hudson, Nance).

Terrorist groups are carefully and highly selected during recruitment, although their top leaders may possess psychopathic traits (Hudson, 1999; Nance, 2008). But members cannot depose a psychopathic leader. A typical terrorist is, thus, not only recognizably mentally deficient or disturbed. He is also not visibly distinguishable from normal persons by outward appearance and behavior. Terrorist groups recruit members who possess normal or average physical appearance, which will give them away, except when they have been described and identified by security personnel as to their physical characteristics....

They are typically healthy, in their twenties, strong and well-trained. Leaders are in their 30s to 60s. A developmental and ecological framework illustrates the feasibility of creating situations, which can convince communities in accepting terror and destruction as a necessary, defensible and even a "pro-social: act. The framework focuses on the development of leaders, volunteers, support communities and the link between these communities and society itself (Lociceo & Sinclair, 2008).
II. Historical and Socio-cultural Antecedents to September 11

Analysts in the 70s and 80s presumed that terrorists, viewed as normative, would avoid the use of weapons of mass destruction because they would antagonize the public and lose its support (Hudson, 1999). Trends through the past four decades, however, negated the common expectation in the case of religious terrorist groups or cults. It was predicted that religious sects with a millenarian, messianic or apocalyptic bent would be the first to use weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, religious fundamentalist and new religious groups advocated the need for mass-destruction terrorism. These groups grew in the 90s and cultivated a new view and attitude towards violence. It was an extra-normative kind, which seeks to inflict maximum violence against a declared enemy. Aum Shinrikyo developed a systematic program for the creation and use of these weapons in the 90s and successfully inaugurated these on the Tokyo…

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Alexander, D.A. And Klein, S. (2005). The psychological aspects of terrorism: from denial to hyperbole. Vol. 98 # 12, Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine: The

Royal Society of Medicine Press. Retrieved on December 7, 2013 from http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1299349

Hudson, R.A. (1999). The sociology and psychology of terrorism: who becomes a terrorist and why? Federal Research Division: Library of Congress. Retrieved on December 7, 2013 from http://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/pdf-files/Soc_Psych_of_Terrorism.pdf

Kershaw, S. 2010). The terrorist mind: an update. The New York Times: The New York
Times Company. Retrieved on December 7, 2013 from http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/weekinreview/10kershaw.htm?pagewanted=all&_r=0
Retrieved on December 7, 2013 from http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2008/04/10/how_not_to_spot_a_terrorist
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