Being such a broad approach, and taking into account population geography, economics, history, feminist studies, multi-cultural sociology, etc., the theory is more of a commitment to the manner in which international relations issues can be solved amiably. In fact, it is the potential for changes that multiculturalism holds that frames the most reasonable approach to critical security (Bridge and Stevens 2001). For example, the dominant tendencies in global relations have three principal parts: 1) the global political economy, 2) an individualized inter-state system, and 3) the biosphere or global ecosystem. It is just recently that scholars and politicians alike have realized the complete interdependency of these three key factors on any policy or future for humankind. Because of the move towards globalization, individual state economies are no longer static and in a vacuum. and, while state hegemony may have some relevance to individual cultural patterns, the success of the EU has proven that state boundaries are often more harmful than helpful. The idea of a one-world approach, then, takes into account that no single part of the global environment can act without a cause and effect to the rest of the planet. How powerful this thrust is in terms of the realization that cooperation is more cost effective than conflict, and that solutions are best viewed globally rather than by individual "units" (Cox 1992, pp. 161-3).
The question then becomes, which approach best explains the elements of international security? and, as most complex problems, the answer is variable. Explaining international relations until World War I, then between World War I and the Cold War, and then post-Cold War and globalization require different definitions of the appropriate manner in which to define the key elements of international security. In a post-9/11 world, many scholars believe there is a juxtaposition between defensive and offensive strategies, particularly in the way that states band together to respond to conflict, or to protect multinational interests. The "realpolitik" of the 21st century has become a conflict primarily of ideals (the War on Terror), rather than the conflict of state induced goals. and, because of the intertwined nature of modern states, a global sense of cooperation against terror, for instance, is in the best interests of all states and their ability to continue to enjoy economic and political security, as well as protection for their population at home and abroad (Dannreuther, pp. 173-5).
In a sense, in a multicultural world there is now a plurality of actors. The size of a state's army is no longer the basis for their economic success or their ability to relate to other nations. Instead, the legitimacy of cooperation now comes from the ability of the group to find behaviors and actions that have the most positive consequences both long-term and at the least cost. War is expensive, it destroys lives, infrastructures, and while sometimes it jolts a lagging economy and improves some technologies, the benefits to a lasting peace using a balance approach to critical security seems the most reasonable option for the early 21st century (Neumann and Waever 1997).
REFERENCES
Baldwin, D. 1993, Neorealism and Neoliberalism. Columbia University Press.
Bridge, M. And R. Stevens 2001. Cross Border Security and Insolvency. Oxford Carr, E.H. 2001, the Twenty Years' Crisis 1919-1939, an Introduction to the Study
Of International Relations. Palgrave-McMillan.
Collins,...
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