Political science has been profoundly affected by the outward thrust from economics, addressing as it has central issues in the discipline of political science" (p. 1173).
Miller (1997) concludes that the most unambiguous benefit of economics on contemporary political science is methodological. He notes that previous research performed by Downs, Arrow, Olson, and a variety of others brought a new rigor to the discipline, with the added prestige of microeconomics. As Miller notes, "why should political actors be less rational than other humans?" (p. 1199). Although Downs original intent was to reveal the market-like mechanistic underpinnings of the political world, the interactions are more complex in the political world. Exchanges between producers/politicians and consumers/voters, with the presence of market-like competition are not as smooth and seamless.
Issues in Empirical Field Studies of Organizational Routines
Pentland and Feldman (n.d.) not tha the most common units of analysis in organizational research are individuals, groups, organizations, and establishments. The clear boundaries of these units make them observable, comparable, distinguishable, and countable. Organizational routines, on the other hand, are more difficult to observe, compare, distinguish, and count. With this in mind, the researchers reflect on the problems of studying organizational routines. The authors connect their discussion to other empirical field studies that have centered on furthering the understanding of organizational routines. This is accomplished through the focus of two basic issues: identification and comparison.
Identification involves recognizing empirical instances of a routine, the parts as well as the whole. Comparision can be cross-sectional (involving different routines), or longitudinal (involving changes in the same routine over time). Together, identification and comparison form the foundation for all empirical work on routines (Pentland and Feldman, 1997, p. 2).
Most interestingly, the authors note that field studies of organizational routines demonstrate the 'messiness' of the real world. This messiness is both a strength and a weakness in field studies. Although the complexities of the real world add challenges to the comparison of organizational routines. However, this complexity also forces researchers in the field to "confront the inadequacies of any system of concepts and to develop new concepts that allow us to see new things. This process opens up new worlds of both understandings and questions" (p. 25).
A Confessional Account of Ethnography about Knowledge Work
Schultze (2000) notes that traditionally information systems research has focused on information as an object that is utilized as a decision-making input. This perspective primarily focuses on the use of this information. However, organizations are increasingly concerned with information production. As such, Schultze focuses on the production of informational objects, which is key to knowledge work. Using an eight-month ethnographic study of three knowledge worker groups, the researcher explores the informing practices the worker groups relied upon. These worker groups included: competitive intelligence analysts, computer system administrators, and librarians. Three practices were identified: ex-pressing, monitoring and translating. The knowledge worker was found to strive toward balancing objectivity and subjectivity, with subjectivity recognized as an integral part of performing value adding work. Objectivity was found to promise workers the authority, as well as a sense of security.
Ex-pressing involved converting subjective insights and individual knowledge into informational objects. Schultze (2000) found that there were no differences in this informing practice between the information knowledge worker groups and the ethnographer. Monitoring involved gathering information in an unobtrusive means. The CI analysts reluctantly asked questions, so as not to influence answers and give away information. The ethnographer waited for events to unfold. This demonstrated a difference between how this practice was applied, with the CI analysts monitoring the external environment, and the ethnographer monitored internally as a means of not pushing the research agenda. The third practice of translating involves creating information through manipulation and transferring across various realms until a coherent meaning is derived. Once again, there were no differences found between the knowledge worker groups and the ethnographer.
Case Study Crisis: Some Answers
Yin (1981) presents a reply to Miles' 1979 article entitled, "Qualitative Data as an Attractive Nuisance." Yin strives to reaffirm the case study's role as a valuable systematic research tool. Miles expressed issues with case analysis as being "essentially intuitive, primitive, and unmanageable (and...) qualitative research on organizations cannot be expected to transcend story-telling" (cited p. 58). Yin shows Miles the respect he deserves as a noted researcher who has been frequently cited for his early contributions to the study of organizational innovation, in the mid-1960s. However, Yin asserts that although there are major improvements that need to be made in case study research, it is an acceptable craft that...
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