" (AAP, 1) This helps to
capture the policy ideals underscoring the Australian position, with the
ramifications of its regional proximity to such terror-implicated states as
Indonesia and the Philippines becoming part of a difficult balancing act.
Indeed, this is a significant concern given the centrality of
Australia's relationship with its Asian Pacific trade and diplomacy
partners. Its membership in APEC has long been a defining aspect of
Australia's immediate orientation toward its foreign relations within its
region. Any break from this pattern on Australia's part can be perceived
as a transition away from a policy in place since 1989 when, acknowledging
the changing tide of the world economy, the various countries which make up
what is today characterized as the Pacific Rim, or Asia-Pacific, gathered
at a summit in Canberra, Australia to discuss the implications of a joint
regional agreement designed to reduce trade barriers amongst the countries
aligned toward shared goals on the borders of the Pacific Ocean. (Faiola,
1) This would include many of the countries of Southeast Asia, Asia, the
Australasia region and North America. These nations, of a wide range of
differing cultural, political and economic dispositions, would establish
through the Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation an agreement that would
alter global politics; establishing a grounds for excluding so-called rogue
nations from the benefits of economic interaction, for cultivating the
increasing interdependency of diplomatic nations by reducing trade
barriers, and for honing establishing a tool helping to bring
industrializing progress to developing nations.
An alliance of this nature would serve as a powerful political tool,
helping to create a consensus against which rogue nations would be held to
either suitable standards of diplomatic and civil behavior or to a
destructive economic isolation. The eventual inclusion of Japan, the
United States, China, Russia and South Korea in APEC would serve to
establish a strong unification against actions such as North Korea's
nuclear tests this past October. The APEC has now come to serve as the
primary channel through which said nations volley the notion of levying
international economic sanctions against the totalitarian communist nation.
(Faiola, 1) In the case of the War On Terror however, Australia has
somewhat departed from this approach as we have noted, appealing to a
unilateral response specific to each of its diplomatic and military
partners. This has engendered resentment from some and relative policy
equanimity with others, drawing a complex web of regional relationships.
This would be further underscored by Australia's treatment of many
immigrant groups on its own soil, many of whom would object to what they
viewed as ethnic persecution. To this end, one of the immediate responses
to the initiation and acceleration of the war against terrorism would be
Australia's toughening of its own laws for the domestic treatment of those
suspected of funding or participating in the planning or implementation of
terrorism. Just as the United States rushed its notoriously draconian
Patriot Act through its Congressional bodies as a means to enhancing the
tools of law enforcement and intelligence agencies in investigating or
fighting terrorism, so too would Australia produce an array of policy
initiatives for domestic enforcement of security initiatives. To this end,
"the potential for the criminalisation of politics is demonstrated here
through an examination of the ASIO Act Amendment Bill 2002 and the Security
Legislation Amendment (Terrorism) Bill 2002," wherein which it would
increasingly become the power, entitlement and initiative of the federal
government to use the power now designated to it as a way to undermine,
disrupt or penalize political groups, ideals and figures of contrary
ideologies to its own. Legislated in the wake of September 11th, such
legislation would mean that "it is now a criminal offence for Australians
to belong to, train with, fund or recruit members for a proscribed terror
group." (BBC News1, 1) Countless groups would be added to this
classification in an attempt to ratchet up Australian intelligence and
enforcement concerning potentially disreputable groups or organizations.
Naturally, there is a degree of subjective philosophy which influences this
disposition, highlighted most recently by a highly contentious case where
"opposition to a proposed Islamic school in Camden has reached the highest
office in the country with Labor leader Kevin Rudd becoming Prime
Minister." (Kinsella, 1) Rudd entered his support for groups trying to
prevent the construction of the Islamic school, but balked at venturing a
security objection, instead describing the decisions as a planning and
zoning issue. This would cynically undercut the issue as it is largely
seen by Australians who, regardless of disposition on the matter, recognize
its implications in the broader War on Terror.
Anecdotal evidence such as this contributes to a broader policy
orientation which would have a direct impact on its relationship with the
various parties making up the South Pacific region. With Indonesia serving
as home to the largest global population of Muslim citizens and the region
in general placing itself on the anti-western side of an intensifying
28). The directions that this new "great and powerful" friend takes in the next 20 years will have a pronounced effects on what type of foreign policy is needed to maintain the middle road aspired to by Australian foreign policymakers. In the Australia's Defence Department's White Paper, "Defending Australia in the Asia Pacific century: Force 2030," published in 2009, a number of eventualities are examined in terms of the
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