The economy of the totalitarian state must be effectively directed with only so much control that the system can be directed effectively; it must obtain growth and combat economic problems to the best of its ability so as to ensure political, social and economic stability.

Conversely, Arendt argues that "the totalitarian dictator regards the natural and industrial riches of each country & #8230; as a source of loot and a means of preparing the next step of aggressive expansion."

Arendt thus labels the totalitarian economy as a war economy, but it is not necessary for a totalitarian leader to adopt such an economy as such economies finance expansionistic foreign policies and totalitarianism does not have to have an international focus; rather it must have a national focus. Arendt is too specific on this point and is once again directly attacking Hitler rather than discussing the realities of totalitarianism. Totalitarianism does not require…...

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References

Arendt, Hannah. The Origins of Totalitarianism. London: Andre Deutsch, 1951.

Brzezinski, Zbigniew, and Carl Friedrich. Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965.

Dennett, Bruce, and Stephen Dixon. Key Features of Modern History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

McCallum, Anne. Germany: 1918-1945 . Port Melbourne: Rigby Heinemann, 1992.

In this respect, he fervently opposed all tendencies towards technocratic governance, which he identified both in the Communist bloc in Eastern Europe, and in the rapidly expanding welfare state of the ederal Republic under Adenauer. Technocracy, he asserted, is the objective form of the instrumental tendencies in human reason, and if it is not counterbalanced by the integrally human resources of cultural or rational communication it is likely to result in oppressive government. In this respect, he moved close to quite standard variants on political liberalism, and he endorsed limited government, relative cultural and economic freedom, and protection for society from unaccountable political direction. ourth, he also argued that a human polity requires a constitutional apparatus, enshrining basic rights, imposing moral-legal order on the operations of the state, and restricting the prerogative powers of the political apparatus. Like Kant, therefore, he advocated the institution of an international federation of…...

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Foucault in fact makes such a charge in his history of the prison, which he declares is intended to "produce," denigrate, and utilize a "criminal class," which is its target: "that, this being the case, it would be hypocritical or na "ve to believe that the law was made for all in the name of all; that it would be more prudent to recognize that it was made for the few and brought to bear upon others..." (1977, 276).

The systems of discipline," he says elsewhere, "are applied by one group upon another" (1991, 167). It is interesting to note that, unlike in Nietzsche, the liberal proposition that There is thus clearly more to his project than simply to "undermine modernity and its language games," and there is more to the justification for resisting power than simply being its mirror image" (Habermas 1987, 283).

This was all evident with the Rockefeller Foundation, but never to such a degree, because such vast sums were not involved there. Culture simply can't make use of so many millions. It suffocates under the weight of them. This new generation, whose company I had the opportunity to enjoy at the last political science convention, is undermining "morale" at the universities. And the foundations are not "free" either. I have heard from a reliable source that McCarthy let the Ford Foundation know that he would find ways to sabotage sales of Ford cars if the foundation stuck by its decision to give 15 million for the study of civil rights. (Nothing would come of it anyhow, unless some people should suddenly and unexpectedly get together and decide to offer some determined resistance. That's always a possibility.) ("A Letter from Hannah Arendt to Karl Jaspers").

Thus, power in the public realm is, by definition, a manifestation of the people, and it is the people who have the power to change the government's rule if they so desire.
Although Arendt's definition of the relationship between violence and power offers an explanation into how the cruelest of dictators can remain in power, her book, the Human Condition, Arendt also makes a case for the importance of speech in securing that public power that will allow rule in the public realm. To make this argument, Arendt begins by summarizing Aristotle, who stated that just two facets were "necessary and present in human communities" -- speech and action. Arendt suggests that from these necessary facets arose the "realm of human affairs" (25). Furthermore, Arendt describes the importance of speech in the early Greek democracy, in which words were considered a precursor to and more important than thought (25). In…...

First, the mass public is greatly influenced by a monopolistic media while the importance of separate discussion circles is diminished proportionately with the increase of media. Second, the process of forming opinion is hold and spread from a center, making media markets "huge and centralized" (idem). Third, opinion is determined by unnatural causes due to manipulation of the public who is passively receiving information and not invited to discussion. Fourth, that only in the case of authoritarian forms of government, decision making is enforced by the power of fear and violence. (idem) Mills briefly describes a survey destined to gather data from people in the American Midwest, in a small city in Illinois. The questions of the survey, conducted twice at an interval of two months, shed some light into the way people change their mind. Mass media is responsible for a big part of people's opinions, but "person-to-person…...

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Resources:

Arendt, H. Communicative Power. Readings in Social and Political Theory.New York University Press.

Arendt, H.(1958) the Human Condition. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago.

Mills, W. Power, Politics and People. Oxford University Press.

Part 1: Analytical SummaryIn \\\"The Origins of Totalitarianism,\\\" Hannah Arendt examines the rise of totalitarianism in the 20th century and the various factors that contributed to its emergence. In Chapters 10 and 11, Arendt discusses the concept of a \\\"classless society\\\" and the role of the \\\"totalitarian movement\\\" in the rise of totalitarianism.In Chapter 10, \\\"A Classless Society,\\\" Arendt argues that the emergence of a classless society was a crucial factor in the rise of totalitarianism. She notes that traditional social hierarchies and class structures were disrupted by the forces of industrialization, urbanization, and modernization, leading to the erosion of traditional values and the emergence of new forms of social and political organization. Arendt contends that in a classless society, individuals are more likely to feel disconnected from their social and political communities, leading to a sense of alienation and powerlessness. This sense of alienation can make individuals vulnerable to…...

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ReferencesArendt, H. (1973). The origins of totalitarianism. Harvest/HBJ.

Likewise, the heroes are those who took actions to prevent the amassing of victims. Clearly, the individual Nazis do not fit into this category. (Arendt, 2006: p. 74).
Thus, Arendt leaves the question as to whether the individual Nazis were bystanders or murderers. To be a bystander, Arendt argues that the Nazi soldiers would have to be completely free of any act that perpetuated the actions. However, because the Nazis made numerous choices, from joining the party, from giving up their individuality and morals, and for following the theory of the final solution, it would seem that one would conclude that they are not innocent bystanders, as would be community members who did nothing in the face of their neighbors being taken away to their deaths. (Arendt, 2006: p. 57).

ased on this thinking, one would think that Arendt would conclude that all Nazis were guilty of crimes against humanity due…...

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Based on this thinking, one would think that Arendt would conclude that all Nazis were guilty of crimes against humanity due to their direct role in carrying out the final solution and murder of the one and only victims of the Holocaust- the Jews and others persecuted by the Nazi regime. However, this in fact is not the conclusion reached by Arendt, at least as to the Nazi leader Eichmann.

Arendt was actually present at Eichmann's trial held in Jerusalem. According to her account of the trial and Eichmann's testimony, it is her conclusion that Eichmann in fact is not a murder but, more appropriately, an innocent bystander and thus not guilty of the Nazi crimes against humanity. Arendt's thinking is that Eichmann, at heart, was not a Nazi and thus did not really know of Hitler's program when he joined the Nazi party. Further, she argues that he had nothing to do with the death camps, which in fact grew out of Hitler's euthanasia program and that, all in all, Eichmann was a modest and innocent bystander. (Arendt, 2006; et. al.)

In conclusion, Arendt essentially argrees with the Nazi arguments for their innocence, that in fact they had no choice due to the political pressures of the era and that, regardless of their actual actions, they did not agree with the goal internally. Unless they were internally in agreement with their actions, according to Arendt, Nazis such as Eichmann are innocent bystanders and the only true murderer is Hitler himself.

Vogt, Ellison and Arendt
The idea of a utopian society, a perfect Eden, has been a recurring theme in human literature, philosophy, religion, and commentary almost from the beginning of civilization. This recurrent theme is no accident: most cultures have, as a basis for their creation mythos, a utopian view of either the pre-human world or the post-human world. Sociological, this is a functionalist approach that serves to "validate, support, and imprint the norms of a give, specific moral order" and to authorize its moral code "as a construct beyond criticism and human emendation" (Campbell and Fairchild 221).

In opposition, a dystopia, becomes part of the anti-heroic paradigm in that all the benefits of an overall utopian society are almost backwards. hat was good, now seems evil, what was light, dark. Political philosopher Hannah Arendt, in Ideology and Terror: A New Form of Government, sees one of the maxims of the 20th…...

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Works Cited

Arendt, H. "Ideology and Terror: A Novel Form of Government." June 2004. Cooper.edu. May 2011 .

Campbell, J. And J. Fairchild. Myths to Live By. New York: Penguin, 1993.

Ellison, H. "Repent Harlequin! Said the Ticktock Man." Ellison, H. Troublemakers: Stories by Harlan Ellison. New York: IBooks, 2001.

Van Vogt, A. "The Weapon Shop." The Science Fiction Hall of Fame, Vol. 1. Ed. R. Silverberg. New York: Orb Books, 2005.

Language
Power and Language

The concept of power has been examined closely by many philosophers throughout human history. These philosophers have different ideas of what power is, but they all, in some way, believe that the concept of language is central to power. In On Violence, Hannah Arendt quotes several such definitions. She says that power may be "making others act as I choose," "to command and be obeyed," or "the instinct of domination" (36-7). All of these definitions have some basis in the reality of the concept, but the two philosophers who will be the focus of this essay, Arendt and Nietzsche, disagree with this basic premise and attempt to quantify power in different terms. They also make the case of the centrality of language to power. In other words, that there is a language to power, and the creation of power, that needs to be understood before the concept itself…...

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Works Cited

Arendt, Hannah. On Revolution. London: Penguin Books, 1990. Print.

-. On Violence. Orlando, FL: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1970. Print.

-. "Reflections on Violence." New York Review of Books, 1969. Web.

Hutcheon, Pat Duffy. "Hannah Arendt and the Concept of Power." (1996). Web.

Language, Liteay and Cultual Studies
The piece of witing eviewed in this document is the initial paagaph in Hannah Aendt's essay entitled "Lying in Politics: Reflections on the Pentagon Papes." This paagaph is typically tenchant, as vitually all of Aendt's wok is. Howeve, one can undestand the incisiveness of this paagaph by evaluating its stuctues and the liteay conventions the autho employs thoughout it. Doing so eveals that this paagaph pimaily functions as an intoductoy paagaph to an essay about the commonality of lying in politics.

The basic stuctue of this paagaph is fom boad to naow. Fo the most pat, the final sentence of the paagaph functions as the thesis of the entie document: essentially that the Pentagon Papes -- which was a govenment odeed manuscipt about the eality of the Vietnam Wa and the delibeate deceptions that wee used on the public to manipulate its conception of this matial…...

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references to what was then popular culture.

Arendt\\\'s Understanding of Education in Dark Times: An Exploration of her Perception on Black AmericansAbstractThis paper examines Hannah Arendt\\\'s conception of education during periods of societal crisis, with a particular focus on her simplistic perspective of the experience of Black Americans during the Little ock Crisis. It is in her article on that crisis that her sense of education in dark time appears to expose some of the limitations of her viewpoint. This paper analyzes Arendts view on that crisis and what her overall idea of education in dark times means as well as how it can be deepened. In doing so, this paper juxtaposes her thoughts on the role of education during \\\"dark times\\\" with the Black American experience, through the eyes of people like alph Ellison. Arendt\\\'s philosophy on totalitarianism, the human condition, and crisis in education provides a foundation for the analysis, but so too does the…...

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ReferencesArendt, H. (1958). The Human Condition. University of Chicago Press.Arendt, H. (1959). Reflections on Little Rock. Dissent Magazine.Arendt, H. (1961). Between Past and Future: Eight Exercises in Political Thought. Viking.Arendt, H. (1968). Crises of the Republic. Harcourt.Arendt, H. (1970). On Violence. Harcourt.Biesta, G. (2010). Hannah Arendt and the idea of public pedagogy. In Handbook of public pedagogy: Education and learning beyond schooling (pp. 51-59). Routledge.Ellison, R. (1953). The World and the Jug. The Reporter.Rodriguez, M. (2008). The challenges of keeping a world: Hannah Arendt on administration. Polity, 40(4), 488-508.George, R. C., Maier, R., & Robson, K. (2020). Ignoring race: A comparative analysis of education policy in British Columbia and Ontario. Race Ethnicity and Education, 23(2), 159-179.Veck, W., & Gunter, H. M. (Eds.). (2020). Hannah Arendt on educational thinking and practice in dark times: Education for a world in crisis. Bloomsbury Publishing.Warren, R.P. (1965). Who Speaks for the Negro?. Random House.

Human Condition
hat Caught My Attention

Hannah Arendt is a German philosopher who has refused to call herself a philosopher, but her work has been praised as being influential and brilliant (though controversial) in its originality and in its bold departure from what other philosophers have written about the human condition. hat I found most compelling, and even appalling, is the way in which Arendt differentiates between "labor" and "work"; those are words that are most often used interchangeably but for Arendt, they are worlds apart in their true meaning.

ork vs. Labor -- a rather radical position by Arendt

In The Human Condition Arendt describes work and labor as two vitally different things. The laborer of today is similar to the slaves of ancient Greece, she explains. In fact those individuals whose whole lives totally revolve around labor (perhaps an example would be the farm laborers who toil in fields all day)…...

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Works Cited

Arendt, H. (2013). The Human Condition: Second Edition. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

National Geographic. (2010). Deforestation and Desertification / Forest Holocaust. Retrieved April 10, 2015, from  http://www.nationalgeographic.com .

Holocaust Politics
Totalitarianism's Controversial Notions

The human social animal's capacity for collective tyranny and violence in Hannah Arendt's seminal work

Since the publication of her 1951 work on The Origins of Totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt has received much criticism as a philosopher and an historian for her theory of the human, historical development of notions of society or what Arendt terms 'the social.' From the social organizations of the salon, which were loose and diffuse, and based on ideological alliances, human beings evolved in their organization, she suggests, to alliances upon material interests in the forms of classes. But the nationalist and imperialist movements of the 19th century perverted these previous mental and material social alliances in history, to create the manifestation of 'the masses' that enabled totalitarianism to take hold in Germany, Russia, and other areas of the world.

Critical to Arendt's conception of totalitarianism is her notion of the political phenomenon as a…...

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Works Cited

Arendt, Hannah. The Origins of Totalitarianism. Harcourt and Brace, 1951.

Arendt, Hannah. The Human Condition. U of Chicago Press, 1998. Originally Published 1958.

Role of Memory in Shaping Morality
Oscar Wilde once wrote that, "The man with a clear conscience probably has a poor memory." The role of memory and remembering in shaping moral decisions is a concept that is central to sections of Hannah Arendt's Responsibility and Judgment and Friedrich Nietzsche's On the Genealogy of Morals as both texts wrestle with how one knows that an action is morally wrong. It is a question that goes back to the earliest days of philosophical inquiry under Socrates: Does the understanding of morality come inherently from something within man or is it merely inculcated by society and thereby remembered. Drawing from her own experiences as a German Jewish refugee and after World War II as a reported at the Nuremberg Trials, Arendt argues that morality must exist beyond the scale of the individual as there is too much variability within humanity's perspective on moral…...

Of the six conflicts (within the fifty mentioned) that resulted in 200,000 or more deaths, three were between Muslims and non-Muslims, two were between Muslim cultures, and just one involved non-Muslims on both sides. The author references a New York Times investigative piece in which fifty-nine ethnic conflicts were reported in forty-eight locations in 1993. In "half these places Muslims were clashing with other Muslims or with non-Muslims"; in thirty-nine of the conflicts groups from different civilizations were engaged, and two-thirds of those were between "Muslims and others" (Huntington, 257).

Keeping in mind this book was published in 1996 -- and updated data employing Huntington's Muslim-violence theme is not immediately available -- it is worthy of note that of the twenty-nine wars (that involved 1,000 or more deaths in a year's time) in 1992, twelve were intercivilizational, and of those dozen, nine were between Muslims and non-Muslims (257). Huntington raised a…...

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Works Cited

Arendt, Hannah. (1969). On Violence. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc.

Blitzer, Wolf. (2011). Cheney refuses to admit any mistakes as vice president. CNN.com

Retrieved September 7, 2011, from  http://situationroom.blogs.cnn.com .

Dougherty, James E, and Pfaltzgraff, Robert L. (1997). Contending Theories of International

Strauss and Nature
Strauss is contending that the "self-evident" natural rights of man are no more apparent because of a creeping relativism in thought and an increasing dependence on legalism. Thus, "the legislators and the courts" decide what is "right" and what is not. In a sense, the lament of Strauss for the loss of common sense, especially regarding what is naturally good and lawful is appreciable. It is just. On the other hand, it could be argued that the "natural right" that Jefferson believed in was not as "self-evident" as imagined but rather more imaginary than "self-evident." Strauss asserts that this line of argumentation is the result of the subjectivist attitude and perspective of modern philosophy. hile subjectivism is a deadly form of philosophy and kills all sense of truth, as Plato shows in Euthyphro, it is the natural consequence of what Strauss identifies in his last sentence of this…...

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Works Cited

Arendt, Hannah. The Human Condition. IL: University of Chicago, 1998. Print.

Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. NY: Vintage, 1995.

Print.

Freud, Sigmund. Civilization and Its Discontents. NY: W.W. Norton, 2005. Print.

Research-Based Essay Books

"The Immortal Life of Henrietta Lacks" by Rebecca Skloot
"In the Heart of the Sea: The Tragedy of the Whaleship Essex" by Nathaniel Philbrick
"Dopesick: Dealers, Doctors, and the Drug Company That Addicted America" by Beth Macy

These books provide in-depth, well-researched accounts of historical events, scientific discoveries, and societal issues. They rely on extensive interviews, archival research, and scientific data to support their arguments and conclusions.

Persuasive Essay Books

"How to Win Friends & Influence People" by Dale Carnegie
"Thinking, Fast and Slow" by Daniel Kahneman
"The Power of Habit" by Charles Duhigg

These books aim to persuade readers....

Hannah Arendt's concept of aesthetics challenges traditional notions of beauty and art by shifting the focus away from mere visual or sensory pleasure and towards the concept of "the beautiful." Arendt argues that beauty is not simply a subjective experience or quality inherent in an object, but rather a reflection of human creativity, freedom, and imagination.

According to Arendt, art serves as a form of human expression and communication that can transcend traditional notions of beauty. She believes that the true purpose of art is not to create objects that are aesthetically pleasing, but rather to challenge and provoke thought, to....

Hannah Arendt's Aesthetics: A Challenge to Traditional Notions of Beauty and Art

Hannah Arendt, a renowned political theorist and philosopher, developed a unique perspective on aesthetics that challenged conventional understandings of beauty and art. Her ideas sought to reframe the nature of artistic experience, the role of the artist, and the significance of beauty in human life.

Rejection of Pure Form and Beauty

Arendt rejected the traditional notion of beauty as an inherent quality residing within objects or experiences. She argued that beauty is not something to be passively contemplated but rather an active perception involving the mind and senses. In her view,....