Only Pai survives, which might be seen as a sign of the girl's strength, but is instead interpreted by Koro as a kind of curse or at very least an unfortunate event for the Maori tribe's future. In the hospital room, while his son is still overcome by grief, Koro can only think of his public role in the tribe, as is typical from someone from older generation. His more modern, independent, and individualistic son is still too overcome, psychologically, with has transpired, to tolerate the older man's different generational perspective. This conflict between individualism and collectivism is at the heart of Maori intergenerational conflict. Koro's granddaughter wishes to realize her own dream of becoming a leader, which she believes is her birthright. Her grandfather puts tradition ahead of such individualism, as can be seen in his schooling of all of the local boys in the same fashion, without regards to their own, individual needs and desires, as might transpire in a modern educational...
Even within the context of his own family setting, he cannot put the concerns of the tribe to the side. In a hospital, a grief counselor might suggest that Koro postpone all talk of the tribe's needs until his son had gone through the different stages of mourning, but Koro has grown up in a world where any conflict between public and private emotional demands must always yield to the needs of the collective, and where masculinity, open displays of emotion, and love are not acceptable. This shows how the gender-based generational conflict depicted in the film is not particular to Koro and Pai, but can even be seen in the attitudes the old man manifests towards younger males. It also shows how assertions of masculinity, unlike femininity, are public acts of significance, as transpires in the education of the young boys, or in Koro's assertion of his authority in the hospital.Ethnography In seven weeks, I conducted seven separate field observations in two different gym settings. Amid the clanks of weights, metal on metal, and the grunts and groans of young men, I conducted detailed observations and compiled a series of field notes. My research focus was on differences between age, gender, and socio-economic class with regards to attitudes towards working out, gym culture, and the use of supplements including steroids. One
There is plenty of time to re-resent petty humiliations or wince over one's own stupidity or insensitivity. Writing ethnography is a purgatory of pensees d'escalier (Metcalf)." Part of Ethnology As a whole, we are all part of ethnology. Everyone is a part of some type of culture, and this culture is open to interpretation by any ethnographer. Our cultures are what shapes who we are, and how we react to a given
Ethnography Le Petit Cafe in Brighton Beach is a Russian-owned pastry shop managed by my father Oleg Reyngach. With a clientele that consists almost entirely of Russian immigrants living in the local community, Le Petit Cafe offers a wonderful opportunity for an ethnographic study. What the patrons lack in terms of ethnic and linguistic diversity, they make up for in terms of socio-economic class and gender diversity. Blue collar and working
The culture industry, which is centered in cities, thus robs the individual of their freedom to participate in the culture-at-large, forcing them into the role of pure consumer. The unity of style as it manifests itself in cultural products is an expression of social power. The greatest artists thus have a mistrust of style, as the hierarchies of power have constructed it; their greatness thus lies in their inherent
"Qualitative studies, particularly ethnographic research, can explain in great detail the nuances of African-American family life and the parental activities and behaviors that may account for youth outcomes" (Burton, Allison, & Obeidallah, 1996; Jarrett, 1995). The results of the study indicated that the presence of uncles in the lives of African-American male youth identified as at risk, fostered successful transitions into young adulthood, positive adolescent development, and the informal social
Ethnography The Young Republicans group meets every Thursday on campus, and they allow non-members to attend meetings. Therefore, for the purposes of this study I chose to analyze the group dynamics and patterns of this specific club. Although the club lists forty official members, the political club meetings usually contain fewer than twenty people. About seventy percent of the student members are Caucasian; the remainder are East Asian and African-American. Usually
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