Wars of Principle in the Falklands and Malvinas Although the age of imperialism has slowly, but inexorably, been consigned to history books, with the great British, Spanish and Portuguese empires that once dominated the globe now largely defunct after the revolutionary spirit swept through colonies from America to Argentina, vestiges of this age-old system still remain to this day. Despite withdrawing from the vast majority of its former colonies after successful campaigns for independence were waged, the United Kingdom has strived to maintain a semblance of its former power by maintaining control over small areas of land within the nations it previously ruled over. Hong Kong in China, Gibraltar in the Iberian Peninsula, and a half dozen Caribbean islands from Bermuda to Turks and Caicos, the custom of leaving behind British territories in the wake of widespread independence movements was instituted to ensure that the United Kingdom's dogged pursuit of its centuries-old imperialistic ambitions was not undertaken in vain. In the case of British engagement with Argentina, which began, like so many similar conflicts between European nations and the natives of the newly discovered American continent1, with the United Kingdom's claim of sovereignty over the Falkland Islands in 1833, a series of geopolitical maneuvers and cultural upheavals resulted in the outbreak of open warfare in 1982. In order to establish a clear case of justification for the United Kingdom's...
Alberto R. Coll and Anthony C. Arend, The Falkands War: Lessons for Strategy, Diplomacy, and International Law, (Boston: G. Allen & Unwin, 1985). 65-67.Post War Iraq: A Paradox in the Making: Legitimacy vs. legality The regulations pertaining to the application of force in International Law has transformed greatly from the culmination of the Second World War, and again in the new circumstances confronting the world in the aftermath of the end of the Cold War. Novel establishments have been formed, old ones have withered away and an equally enormous quantity of intellectual writing has
8). Likewise, the Institute of Agriculture required a quorum of two-thirds of its members for voting purposes and for the balancing of votes according to the size of the budgetary contributions (Bowett, 1970). While this analysis of these early forms of public international unions is not complete, it does suggest that they were beginning to identify the wide range of interests involved in modern international commerce and what was required
The definition for "subversives" is a bit vague, but Fagen explains that in Argentina and elsewhere in Latin American dictatorships the victims of violent repression tended to be union leaders, liberal political leaders, artistic people in cultural circles, student protest leaders and media personalities (p. 41). The whole point of these horrendous repressive policies was to inspire fear, confusion and "distrust" among the general population. For those who believe the
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