The time to go in and dismantle his war machine was now, Bush insisted.
But now, nearly four years after the invasion of Iraq, with nearly 3,000 American casualties and over $380 billion having been spent (Sidoti, 2006), less than 40% of Americans support the war. No weapons of mass destruction have been found. No evidence of any nuclear program Hussein was alleged to have launched has been found. And recently the U.S. intelligence agencies reported that the war in Iraq has created more terrorists, and that we are not any safer now than we were in 2001 after 9/11.
Moreover, the American people are clearly fed up with what they see on television from Iraq: a) there is now a civil war going on between rival ethnic factions, and dozens of innocent civilians are kidnapped and/or slaughtered every day; the U.S. involvement has exacerbated this bloodletting; b) images of American prison abuses and torture at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq are a sickening reminder to the world - whether true or not - that the U.S. is anti-Muslim and that the U.S. is ignoring Geneva Convention with regards to prisoners of war.
And with all this terrible news, and the war obviously out of control, and U.S. soldiers basically sitting ducks for insurgent car bombs and brazen attacks by Islamic militants, with Bush wiretapping Americans without a warrant, what is the Pentagon doing...
Post War Iraq: A Paradox in the Making: Legitimacy vs. legality The regulations pertaining to the application of force in International Law has transformed greatly from the culmination of the Second World War, and again in the new circumstances confronting the world in the aftermath of the end of the Cold War. Novel establishments have been formed, old ones have withered away and an equally enormous quantity of intellectual writing has
... Facing clear evidence of peril, we cannot wait for the final proof, the smoking gun that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud Thus we conclude that President did indeed mislead the public even though the evidence clearly indicated that Saddam or Iraq were no immediate threats to national security. This is a matter of serious concern because if the head of the state deliberately tries to mislead
Thus, Iraq has defied the economic embargo applied according to resolution 661 and has not cooperated with the arms inspection imposed by the UN Security Council through Resolution 665 (Leurdijk and Beernink, 2002). Therefore, the state of Kuwait can no longer consider itself protected by the international community and by the United Nations which it trusts greatly. The international law offers the possibility to retaliate in a manner that can
invasion and occupation of Iraq from three different perspectives. Firstly, the paper provides a historical background pertaining to the interest of energy-hungry countries such as France, America and Britain. The paper also provides a brief background of the relationship of Iraq with its neighbors and how oil has turned out to be a major source of attraction for the imperial powers. Secondly, the paper provides an in-depth perspective of
Katulis and Juul help put into perspective the tentative position of Iraq in saying that Iraq's leadership remains split on a draft version of SOFA (Katulis and Juul, online). The Iraqi cabinet must vote a two-thirds majority in favor of their support for a plan (Katulis and Juul). This may be difficult to achieve when the cabinet is divided along religious sect lines. It is, too, perhaps the first time
War Without Victory Nominally, the United States achieved victory in the first Gulf War. However, the decades of fighting in the Middle East, punctuated by the second Gulf War demonstrate that the United States was not victorious in that war. However, equally clear is the fact that Iraq was not victorious. This paper examines the politics behind the Gulf War including deterrence, diplomacy, power struggles, and military and political implications to
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