War in Defense of the Status Quo
The ironic thing about the Korean War is that it was begun (by North Korea) in an attempt to change a status quo that no party involved was particularly satisfied with, in search of an end result that all parties agreed would be ideal (the unification of Korea), and millions of deaths later ended by reestablishing the same static situation it had originate to eliminate. The war was begun, modern perspective tells the historian, because North Korea desperately wanted to reunite the nation under a single "people's government." The irony of the situation is that South Korea also wanted to unite the nation under a single "government of the people" -- the only difference was the question of which regime supported by which superpower should rule the people. North Korea very nearly managed to unite the nation under communist rule within a matter of months, with very little bloodshed, before America intervened to drive the Northern armies back. America's intervention was somewhat unexpected by both Korea and its allies in Russia and China. Equally unexpected was China's later intervention when American/U.N. forces pushed past the former North/South border at the 38th parallel. Yet if one looks closely at theories of international relations such as the ideas presented by defensive realism, one can see that both America's intervention and China's were necessitated by their independent need for security when the balance of power began to shift, and that even a desire for future peace and self-defense can lead to a downward spiral into hostility when war becomes more political than military.
Defensive realism "is an umbrella term for several theories of international politics and foreign policy that build upon Robert Jervis's writings on the security dilemma and to a lesser extent upon Kenneth Waltz's balance-of-power theory (neorealism)." (Beavis) It suggests that security is the primary interest of most states, yet when one state takes action to increase its perceived security this action generally serves to decrease the perceived security of other competing states. This can manifest in numerous ways. For example, some states may feel that the best way to increase their security is through aggression. This aggression may be acquisitive and driven by the need to gain more power and territory so as to build a stronger nation, or it may be punitive and driven by a desire to punish those who would threaten security or national interests in a real or perceived way, or it may be preemptive and either serve to diminish a competitor's ability to attack the nation's interests or serve as a show of strength to deter others from challenging the nation's security. Security concerns may also motivate foreign policy and diplomacy to function in such a way that it causes competing states to feel threatened and in so doing push them into aggression or into building security (which may seem like a building threat). Building armies and weapons which are defensive may seem aggression, and building alliances or widening territory to create a stronger buffer (for security reasons) may also seem or be aggressive. "The security dilemma is an inescapable feature of life in an anarchic environment." (Taliaferro)
Defensive realism not only describes international relations, it also makes recommendations -- however, when looking at history we can see look at the violation of these recommendations in a descriptive way to show where conflict is heightened and prescripted. This theory suggests that states should pursue the most moderate routes to security possible to avoid escalation into war. The strongest states at any given time within an anarchical world order "should pursue military, diplomatic, and foreign economic policies that communicate restraint." (Beavis) In many ways the history of the Korean War is the enactment of these theories and a demonstration of the ways in which history punishes those who do not follow the recommendations of defensive realism.
According to American theories at the beginning...
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