Indeed, this explains why it is necessary to achieve a more open discourse on the implications of violence with specific and tangible reference to women and how they are impacted. Proper psychological profiling of those with aggressive tendencies toward women or irrational behaviors relating to women should be factored into the type of sentencing and post sentence attention that individuals are given. Without receiving proper attention from legal, penal or social service agencies designed to address the problems of criminal violence, individuals like Stirpe are unlikely to be deterred from their aggressive proclivities.
To the point, violence against woman has been subject to a significantly raised degree of popular and legal scrutiny given its social pravelance and yet it remains unclear how the legal system can address such individuals as Stirpe, who have served their time but are likely to still represent a threat of violence.
Burgmann, T. (2009). Accused Killed 4 to Steal Their IDs, get rich, trial Told. The Canadian Press:
The article by Burgmann (2009), released by the Canadian Press, provides a troubling story in which an individual capable of grotesque violence and deception was nonetheless able to manipulate a series of victims within his personal orbit. Kembo is accused of murdering four women with whom he had developed intimate personal relationships. Preemptively constructing a plot in which he systematically murdered his wife, business partner, girlfriend and step-daughter and used their identities and life insurance policies for personal enrichment, Kembo was clearly capable of an extreme degree of violence which exclusively exploited and victimized women. Consistent with the findings provided by Marriner, it provides something of an anecdotal reference to some larger patterns or system failures which may be considered as associated.
Research in the evaluation of Marriner's article denotes that there is a precedent, albeit an abstract one, for Kembo's behavior. Namely, most research driven thusly tends to illustrate that the correlation between male gender behaviors and violence against intimates is socially constructed. The problem of such violence, this research demonstrates, is directly tied to a culture with inherently patriarchal tendency. That Kembo's victims were all women but that his motives appeared to be non-sexual indicates a sense that women are more easily made as prey to this type of violence. In a manner, this is underscored by the assertion made by Marriner concerning the variant of abstract correlations to such violence. The economic motives which drove Kembo do actually have some precedent. Indeed, the Marriner article denotes that it is important to frame the conversation according to these realities because a failure to do so threatens to obscure many of the true patterns which provoke violence against women as a widespread sociological problem. Marriner indicates that there are causes for violence against women which transcend individual circumstances and the relationship between the gender. Beyond these surface features, patterns of this violence are "linked to numerous other social factors. Budget cutes, political announcements, taxations changes, immigration regulation, changes in the social safety net -- all these current events may have implications for the levels of violence women experience." (Marriner, 16)
Naturally, the failure to acknowledge these connections may not have been intended to protect activities such as Kembo's, but they were sufficient to hide his misdeeds long enough for them to be repeated to the loss of multiple lives. In fact, one of the most disturbing implications of the case is reflected in the article, which seems almost unwittingly to acknowledge the clear socioeconomic implications from the perspective of the legal system. The article indicates that "Kembo was able to fly below the radar for so long because each of his victims were 'low net worth people.'" (Burgmann, 1) the suggestion that the personal connections between Kembo and the victims did not stand out to authorities sooner because of their socioeconomic status is to demonstrate Marriner's primary argument.
It is clear again that revealing patterns in the individual case and in the legal context had been overlooked to the benefit of Kembo's intent. Ultimately, the connection to economic motives suggests that Kembo's violent tendencies may be seen as connected to both materialism and the associated objectification of women. Though this article stops just short of making such connections explicitly, it does affirm Marriner's initial claim about the insufficient nature of the public discourse on such behaviors, which is at fault for overlooking compelling sociological phenomena producing monstrous anomalies like Kembo.
Walton, D. (2009). Alberta...
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, 1994)." (Salazar, 253) This is not just troubling as a statistical illustrator of the problem's prevalence but it is indicative of a much larger cultural condition predisposing us to violence toward women. With ties to the patriarchal machinations of the country's monarchical origins and a dependency upon the fortification of such leanings in modern legal, social and even familial structure, the issue of domestic violence is very much a
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