The events
in Japan would be a stark foreshadowing of the new and enormous dangers
which man had become capable of imposing on his fellow.
The presence of nuclear power in global affairs had come to play a
dominant sub-textual role in the implicative considerations of war and
diplomacy. Even so, this condition subsisted without any international
controls for more than twenty years. This was so until 1968, when the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) was signed. This
agreement "represents the world's single most important multilateral
nuclear arms control agreement, with the largest membership, and it remains
the most successful exemplar of arms control." (Rauf 1999) This would show
a new concern for the world community invoked by a shared witnessing of the
first attacks.
Largely a response to a heightened Cold War, where theatres in
Southeast Asia, South America and Central America revealed the genuinely
global perils posed by the now nuclear armed U.S. and Soviet spheres of
influence, the non-proliferation agenda includes the prevention of the
continued stockpiling of weapons, the exchange of nuclear secrets between
nations and the development of subterranean nuclear programs in non-nuclear
states. The international initiative represents an opportunity to place a
collective safeguard agreement into action which would prevent the
realization of the worst-case scenario escalation of hostilities between
the two superpowers. After the revelations at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the
internationalization of the power-struggle inherently bore with it "the
threat of total annihilation." (Debat et al 2006) This is to indicate that
a great many organizations and regulatory groups have emerged in order to
prevent the realization of this threat. The attacks on Japan at the end of
World War II would up the stakes of global conflict in a way that has
stimulated considerable preventative policy organization. The result is
today a continued conflict over who is entitled to nuclear power and who is
not. Many developing nations such as North Korea and Iran claim they are
being denied the right to generate nuclear energy to improve domestic
energy policies, but political differences with the world order have also
caused speculation about the safety of nuclear power in such hands.
This highlights another key effect of the atomic weapons, which
essentially altered the course of an otherwise potentially valuable energy
source. Though the use of nuclear power during the 1950's seemed to
provide prospects for complete energy independence and resource
diversification, its dangers would also become gradually apparent over the
course of the 20th century, with safety and environmental concerns
contributing to a mixed public impression of civil nuclear energy. The
social impact of nuclear energy can be measured most notably today in both
the popular perception of atomic power and the repercussions of its
relative decline as a major source for energy both in the U.S. and
internationally.
In spite of its auspicious promise during the Cold War era, nuclear
power has been the subject of intense debate and controversy, with social
consciousness generally attaching weaponized nuclear power and civil
nuclear power in an inextricable relationship. (Lipper 2000) As a result
of this social environment, "the shutdown of older plants and the lack of
investment in newer plants in the United States has established an
imbalance in nuclear energy production, which is expected to have a
significant impact on the social and economic structure of the nuclear
industry, as well as society at large." (Kritsky 1999) This is to indicate
that the weaponization of nuclear power demonstrated by the strikes on
Hiroshima and Nagasaki would alter the course of what might otherwise have
been a productive part of creating energy independence for nations both
developing and developed. The association between nuclear power and the
images and events of the 1945 strikes remains an indelible force in the
continued discussion on the accessibility of nuclear power.
Until the United States illustrated the full destructive capability of
nuclear power in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the extent of damage which could
be levied through such weaponry had not been fully appreciated on a
psychological level. However, the absolute totality of ground devastation,
the horrific nature of the health fallout for those in the radiating
vicinity of the blast and the overall toll in terms of both human life and
structure had the collective effect of changing forever the social effect
of nuclear power. (Eden 2005) The capacity for destruction of which this
new and terrifying weapon was capable could ultimately destroy whole cities
and nations if used with such intents. The Cold War which followed, then,
produced an atmosphere of tension where social interaction reflected a...
Yet, this is not to say that they were not conscious of the race with the Russians or the advantages of being able to demonstrate the destructive power of the new super bomb. Yet such a view has not been in doubt by most recent traditional historians, who have seen Truman as a practical statesman with one eye on the post-war world and already dealing with problems with Stalin
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Atomic Bomb Historians like Gar Alperovitz and Martin Sherwin have known for many years, based on declassified U.S. government documents that Japan was going to surrender in 1945 even if the atomic bombs were no dropped and that no invasion would ever have been necessary. Their only condition was that the United States "guaranteed the safety of the Emperor Hirohito," and in the end the Truman administration agreed to this rather
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