Introduction
The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) arose from the ashes of the Twin Towers on 9/11 as the federal government’s response to the threat of terror. That threat has been represented in a number of incarnations: the Saudi hijackers, Al-Qaeda, Saddam Hussein, Gaddafi, Assad, ISIS, and so on. Today, with ISIS being acknowledged as largely defeated in the Middle East, the new security threat that the U.S. faces is unclear (Cronin, 2015) and the old security threats—the specter of terrorism that continues to rear its head both abroad and domestically—appear to have shifted into new forms. In an ironic twist, Americans themselves appear to be more like homegrown terrorists in their attacks on fellow citizens, whether these attacks are conducted at schools or at social venues where crowds gather for enjoyment. Terrorism and mass killing appears to be the new chosen method of expressing one’s own personal jihad on a culture, a group of people, or on a time and place. The hypothesis of this paper is: If the threat of terrorism goes away, does the need for the Department of Homeland Security also go away, or is the DHS now to be viewed as a permanent feature of the American government? The thesis is: In a nation where “inverted totalitarianism” has been used to describe the governmental system (Atkinson, 2005), Homeland Security needs a foil like terrorism to justify its own existence and therefore the threat of terrorism must always be acknowledged. This has ramifications for the nature of security management both in the U.S. and abroad as well as the culture of today.
Background
A generation raised in the shadow of terrorism is now reaching adulthood, with nearly two decades passed since 9/11 reshaped the geopolitical orientation of the world. As Bush (2001) declared, “You are either with us, or you are with the terrorists.” America’s response to 9/11 divided the world into black and white, with leaders having to choose whether they would support America in its war against terrorism, or choose to withhold its support and be labeled an enemy. Americans were told that the attack had been perpetrated by Al-Qaeda, masterminded by Osama Bin Laden, supported by Hussein in Iraq, and ultimately aided by other leaders of the Arab world—from Gaddafi in Libya to Assad in Syria, Iran, and now Russia—though the intelligence has invariably been wrongfooted in almost every case (Coletta, 2018). In the midst of this was the DHS with its own intelligence enterprise “largely ‘on the outside of the Intelligence Community with its nose pressed against the glass’” looking in (Murray, 2008). What did it bring to the table that the roughly two dozen other U.S. intelligence agencies lacked? What role could it play in the new war against terrorism? If the CIA, FBI, and various other apparatuses had failed to secure the U.S. on 9/11, how would the DHS, which was essentially cut from the same cloth as the others—just made up of newer members—respond to the challenges when it barely had an invite to the big table? In order to justify its existence, it would have to show something in the way of contributing to the war.
Analysis
Brittain (2016) explains that the counterterrorism industry is less about preventing terrorism than it is about perpetuating the idea of an existential threat of terrorism—in much the same way the military industrial complex thrives on the specter of war and the way the prison industrial complex thrives on the perpetuation of the criminalization of acts that two centuries...
References
Atkinson, J. (2005). Towards an understanding about complexities of alternative media: Portrayals of power in alternative media. Qualitative Research Reports in Communication, 6(1), 77-84.
Brittain, V. (2016). The Counterterrorism Industry. The Political Quarterly, 87(4), 609-611.
Bush, G. (2001). Address to joint session of Congress. Retrieved from http://edition.cnn.com/2001/US/09/20/gen.bush.transcript/
Coletta, G. (2018). Politicising intelligence: what went wrong with the UK and US assessments on Iraqi WMD in 2002. Journal of Intelligence History, 17(1), 65-78.
Cronin, A. K. (2015). ISIS is not a terrorist group: why counterterrorism won't stop the latest jihadist threat. Foreign Affairs, 94, 87-98.
Department of Homeland Security. (2018). Retrieved from http://www.allgov.com/departments/department-of-homeland-security?detailsDepartmentID=571
Ganderton, P. T., Brookshire, D. S., & Bernknopf, R. L. (2004). Improving the Homeland Security Advisory System: an experimental analysis of threat communication for national security. In The Economic Impacts of Terrorist Attacks, ed. James Elliott Moore.
Gunlock, J. (2009). IWF Policy Brief. Retrieved from http://www.iwf.org/files/b0bb665d576c219e1d5549450fcdaa7b.pdf
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