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Stolen Generations Impacts And Effects On Indigenous Australians Essay

¶ … Stolen Generations' is used to define the numerous Aborigines, and the few Torres Strait Islanders, who were forced from their homes when they were children, by church missions and Australian territorial, state, and federal government agencies during the latter 1800s up to the seventies (NSDC, 2015). 'Generations' highlight for how long (i.e., more than a century) this practice of separating the children of Aborigines from their homes took place, as well as recognize that it led to inter-generational damage. The word 'Stolen' is evidently loaded, and though there might have been some children who were surrendered by their families, rather than being literally 'stolen', the world must understand that the wretched circumstances these people generally faced were chiefly because of their Aboriginality, which in those times, meant they held second-class status (Stolen Generations Victoria, 2009). The removals took place under parliamentary acts, and the removed children were either adopted by non-Aborigines or sent off to institutions. The brutal degree to which these children, seized by territorial and state agencies, were isolated from their parents, culture and community, can be seen from the fact that they were typically not allowed to meet with their families. Almost all Aboriginal communities and families suffered on account of these governmental policies of forced removal, with the children -- separated from their parents, siblings, aunts, uncles, and communities -- suffering the most (NSDC, 2015). The story of the 'Stolen Generations' is one of a governmental endeavor to 'breed Aborigines out'. It can be regarded as attempted genocide. The term 'genocide' is not only used to denote extermination of individuals through violence; it can include extermination through all possible means. At its peak, the Aborigines Welfare Board's policy of isolating Aboriginal children from their homes and families intended exactly that. The Board's 1915 Report declared that continued dissociation of Aboriginal kids from their camp life ought to ultimately resolve the Aboriginal issue. This 'issue' was concerning Aborigines who couldn't, or didn't agree to, live the way the white community in Australia desired them to. The Board's report of 1921 reflected its motives even more plainly: when Aboriginal children would be placed in 'first-class' homes, their superior living standards would facilitate Aborigines' absorption into the mainstream, white population. Simultaneously, the Board drove away Aboriginal adults that they couldn't send away (like the children) from the borders of towns or reserves. The resistance of Aboriginal adults was too powerful to control by the Board, as the adults either returned after some time, or simply made their way to another town to live. The children, however, weren't allowed to return home until they became adults (i.e. 18 years of age). Some children, who were separated from their families at an extremely tender age couldn't recall their place of origin, or even their parents' identity. Thus, many 'stolen' children couldn't, and didn't, return home at all (The Stolen Generations, 2015).

Effects and Impacts on Indigenous Australians

Bereft of the sagacity and support of their tribal Elders and their traditional culture, Aboriginal children taken away from their homes are now anchorless, since their connection with family members and their community has broken. As is well-known and documented in the present day, experiences of childhood and attachment bonds with family members, especially until they turn three, greatly affect their adulthood potential and life experiences. Numerous 'Stolen Generations' members were exposed to traumatic and detrimental experiences in early childhood, leading to enduring negative effects on their developmental prospects, which continue even now. Endless grief and loss, including loss of family, heritage, and culture, has affected their decision-making ability, thereby continuing to negatively impact their lives (Stolen Generations Victoria, 2009).

Several Stolen Generations children faced physical, psychological, and sexual abuse when living with adoptive families or state care. White efforts to ensure these children discarded their indigenous culture usually made them feel embarrassed of their origin. A number of Aboriginal kids were misled into believing their parents either abandoned them or died; others had no idea of their parents' or communities' identity. Aboriginal children faced deplorable, highly-controlled living conditions at state institutions; they were regularly punished severely, exposed to starvation and cold, and received hardly any measure of affection. Furthermore, they received education of an extremely substandard, low level, and had to strive as domestic servants and manual laborers. Healthcare professionals have detected high prevalence of anxiety, depression, suicide, and post-traumatic stress disorder in Stolen Generations. Numerous parents were shattered when they lost their children, and couldn't recover from their angst. While some parents decided to end their lives, others resorted...

The separation of many generations of families from their children acutely disrupted oral Aboriginal culture, leading to loss of much Indigenous cultural knowledge. Several 'stolen generations' individuals never experienced life in a caring and loving family, and have no parenting skills. This has, in some cases, led to a heartrending cycle of many generations of Aboriginal children sent away to state care to be raised (Australians Together, 2015).
Identity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander People

The term 'Aboriginals' encompasses several different Aboriginal nations, all having their own unique traditions and language. Historically, they dwelt in the Australian mainland, Tasmania and numerous offshore islands of the Australian continent. Torres Strait Islanders originate from Torres Strait Islands, situated between Papua New Guinea and Cape York, Queensland's tip. These richly diverse communities effectively adapted, over several thousand years, to their surrounding environment, coming up with means to ensure not only their survival, but social, spiritual and cultural ways of life, as well. Whereas a few Aboriginal communities dwelt briefly in specific areas, this nomadic practice was often seasonally determined and carried out for the purpose of finding water and food. Therefore, they were found in greater numbers in desert regions than in rainforests, where an abundant, steady flow of water and food could be availed. According to Aboriginals, lands were formed out of spirit ancestors' journeys. By way of art, stories, and corroboree (i.e., dance), and in subsequent eras, drama and poetry, tales of the way spirit ancestors (symbolized by clan totems (i.e. animals)) formed lands and human behavioral rules were, and still are, recounted. Culture and spirituality account for the universe's origin, lifecycles, and the mechanisms of humanity and nature. It governs and organizes relations among the sexes and overall Aboriginal life, in addition to prescribing a set of duties to spirits, people, and the land (The RACGP, 2012).

Research has proven that Aboriginals taken away in childhood from their parents, culture, and community depict lesser likelihood of attending college/university, engaging in confiding, stable intimate relationships, knowing their original cultural traditions, and having strong Indigenous cultural identity; much lesser likelihood of having secure living conditions, greater likelihood of geographical mobility and coming to know of the Aboriginal roots in later life; a twice greater likelihood of illegal substance use, and arrest and imprisonment for crime; much greater likelihood of intravenous illegal drug use; and thrice greater likelihood of serving in jail and saying they had nobody to turn to during times of crises (Stolen Generations Victoria, 2009).

A large number of Aboriginals have questions pertaining to their identity. While a few have powerful informed identities, others are uncertain of their roots. Still others are in the process of attempting to discover their real identity. Whereas some Aboriginals express pride concerning their Indigenous heritage, others don't. Some report that they feel trapped between two different worlds -- black and white. Those unfamiliar with their community's history and personal past are uncertain of their real identity. Non-aborigines tend to have stereotypes with regard to Aboriginal identity. The way Aboriginals view their identity can have a huge influence on the way they interact with service providers (WWATSI, n.d).

The Government of Australia's assimilation policy wasn't formally discarded until the 1972 federal election, when, as an immediate consequence of growing activism by Torres Strait Islanders and Aboriginals, it was replaced officially with a self-determination policy. The official definition of self-determination is individuals' right to freely decide their personal political status as well as freely pursue cultural, economic, and social development. In spite of the above changes, social markers (including health markers) for Torres Strait Islanders and Aboriginals are the lowest in Australia. While European colonization's impact on the traditions and lifestyle of Torres Strait Islanders and Aboriginals is huge and enduring, these Indigenous individuals have endured, and their native culture lives on, and is strong. In keeping with the self-determination concept, active participation of Torres Strait Islanders and Aboriginals in every sphere of health-related decision making is crucial (The RACGP, 2012).

Relevance of Educators

In December of 1884, the Aboriginal Protection Board was assured by the public instruction Department that two alternatives would be offered for Aboriginal kids. In areas where a large-enough number of children was present, exclusive schools for the Aboriginal community would be instituted. And in areas wherein they were found in small numbers (i.e., too less to establish an exclusive school), they were entitled to enroll in the public school nearest to their locality under the…

Sources used in this document:
References

Aborigines Protection Board, Report (1921). In Votes and Proceedings of the New South Wales Legislative Assembly, p 3.

Aborigines Protection Report. (1915). In Joint Parliamentary Papers of the Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council of New South Wales, p 16.

Australians Together. (2015). The stolen generations. Retrieved from http://www.australianstogether.org.au/stories/detail/the-stolen-generations

Curriculum Corporation. (1996). National principles and guidelines for Aboriginal Studies and Torres Strait Islander Studies K-12. Cariton, Vic: Curriculum Corporation.
Creative Spirits. (2015). Teaching Aboriginal students. Retrieved from http://www.creativespirits.info/aboriginalculture/education/teaching-aboriginal-students#axzz3tr2FnJzI
NSDC. (2015). Stolen generations history. Retrieved from http://www.nsdc.org.au/stolen-generations-history/
The Stolen Generations. (2015). History of the stolen generations. Retrieved from http://www.stolengens.org.au/our-history/60-who-are-the-stolen-generations.html
The Stolen Generations. (n.d). Public education for Aboriginal children. Retrieved from http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=97&Itemid=60
WWATSI. (n.d). Practice implications: Image and identity. Retrieved from http://www.workingwithatsi.info/content/pi_image.htm
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