Robert A. Dahl's On Democracy believe we are on an irreversible trend toward more freedom and democracy - but that could change.
Dan Quayle (1947 -), 5/22/89
The term, democracy, means many things in popular discourse. One has only to turn on the television to hear presidential speeches, public discussion, or news commentators espousing its virtues -- "goodness," "virtue," and "liberty," almost as if the term has become synonymous with freedom itself. In fact this trend is becoming so prevalent, that I find myself checking with each new release of Microsoft Word, if ther term "democracy" might yield "freedom" in its thesaurus.
Although today's average rabid patriot (a species won't to exclaim statements like, "Our boys are over there in eye-rak fighting for our freedom!") may see nothing amiss with this notion, there remains the issue of the tremendous disservice that results from the simplistic coupling of the two terms, for if democracy is a form of government to be touted, championed, and, allegedly fought for, it follows that the masses of men and women who do "tout" should also be informed about its features in some depth.
Robert A Dahl's book, On Democracy, does exactly that. According to the front flap blurb at the beginning of the 1998 hard-cover edition:
Robert Dahl begins with an overview of the early history of democracy. He goes on to discuss differences among democracies, criteria for a democratic process, basic institutions necessary for advancing the goals of democracy, and the social and economic conditions that favor the development and maintenance of these institutions.
Indeed, Dahl discusses democracy in clear, simple terms, covering basic themes, issues, and questions of the governmental system as practiced, and not by dipping into complex themes of theory and discourse.
This makes the book tremendously readable, be one rabid patriot or no.
The theory that Dahl does cover is at its most basic, and is focused on democracy, not as a merely "American" institution, nor limited to the United States as context. Instead, he covers the basics of what "constitutes a democracy" in general, which he often illustrates with "group/organization" examples or examples from other nations. He comes up with the following criteria:
What is democracy?
Democracy provides opportunities for:
Effective participation
Equality in voting
Gaining enlightened understanding
" Granted, even Dahl admitted that no state or nation would ever be able to create a totally fair and just society. In his essay "Justifying Democracy" he acknowledged that "…the values and goals I advocate and hope will prevail will always be strongly contested" (Dahl, 47). He goes on to say that he is not at all confident that his values "…will necessarily predominate," but they will not become
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They couldn't protect themselves with diversification, as an investor-shareholder would in corporate-capitalism. All their eggs would be in one basket. This could result in the firm's stagnation from lack of creativity, innovation, and willingness to take a risk. Dahl's issue is how to extend democracy and its values, especially equality, into the workplace and thus create a better economic system. He concludes that self-governing enterprises where the workers were responsible
Instead Dahl assumes the notion that it would be best to have "a system of economic enterprises collectively owned and democratically governed by all the people who work in them," meaning that he differs from the notions of Okun and the Friedman's by proposing something radically different to promote the ultimate goal of democracy (Dahl 92). Neither equality nor freedom is necessary to fix the relationship between the economy and democracy, but rather a completely different
Voting to Violence, Jack Snyder starkly poses some of the most vexing questions for foreign policy analysts during the 1990's. Why was this decade, despite the collapse of the totalitarian system of communism and an overall greater global potential for democratic involvement, marked by a worldwide increase in ethnic conflict and hatred in Europe and across the larger world? Why did this "the process of democratization" become seemingly "one of
Catholic church and public policy have remarked that the members of American clergy in general, without even excepting those who do not admit religious liberty, are all in favour of civil freedom; but they do not support any particular political system. They keep aloof from parties, and from public affairs. In the United States religion exercises but little influence upon laws, and upon the details of public opinion; but it
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