5).
Courchene (2004) also discusses the changing nature of relations between federal Canada and Quebec and suggests that increasing cooperation has become a new vision that is now being explored. Brown (2003) takes particular note of the actions being taken in Quebec, and he notes that the Quebec Liberal Party (QLP) issued a paper "calling for a new federalism 'de concertation et de cooperation,' consisting of a better effort to manage global interdependence, a respect for the federal spirit (i.e. respect for provincial jurisdiction), a better fiscal balance between the federal and provincial governments, and more concerted interprovincial cooperation" (Brown, 2003, p. 6). In terms of how the Copuncil of the Federation, Brown finds that this may be little more than a continuation of the Annual Premiers' Conference under a different name, or it could lead to a return to the earlier practice seen in the Mulroney era when annual first ministers' conferences were common Brown notes,
Canadians and their governments may not be ready for European-style co-decision. They may continue to fear joint decision traps, where any kind of locked-in decision process will erode their autonomy (Brown, 2003, p. 6).
Peach (2004) notes the challenges to the Council of the Federation as a tool for making national policy. He first notes that it is far too early to determine if the Council will be a historic development in public policy in Canada or will be another failure, and he agrees that at first glance, the Founding Agreement for the new Council of the Federation "gives the overwhelming impression of a lack of substance" (p. 1). Some claim that a more cooperative inter-governmental relationship is a positive in itself, while many Canadians "argue that a more cooperative relationship is worthwhile only if it brings about desired improvements in our social and economic policies.
The risk is that these will be sacrificed for the sake of achieving intergovernmental
Harmony" (p. 1). In truth, though, while this may indeed be a value in itself, unless real policy change is made and unless the people see the process as working more effectively, the approach will be a failure. In Quebec, the inter-governmental approach has not overcome long-lasting antipathies between groups and between levels of government in the past, raising the question of why it would be successful under this form.
No l (2003) considers how this new initiative will work with reference to Quebec and says first that "this Council appears to be little more than a light institutionalization of existing intergovernmental practices. At most, it would be only a first step toward the premiers' idea of a 'new era of constructive and cooperative federalism.' Much more would need to be done and achieved to open up a 'new era,' in a context still defined by fiscal imbalance, federal unilateralism, and recurrent intergovernmental conflicts" (p. 1).
No l rightly points out that the impact of the new Council will depend most on the decisions and actions of the various governments. The author also predicts increased pressure for a different answer "if collaborative federalism fails to bring significant gains on objectives that will remain central to Quebec society, namely recognition and autonomy" (p. 2). Deciding how the Council will be viewed is difficult given the ambivalence with which various people in Quebec...
French Quebec Nationalism A major turning point in the history of Canada was the fall of Quebec which resulted in the transformation of a French colony into a British colony. Had it not happened, English would never have become the first language of the country. The battle of Quebec was one of the numerous wars fought between the British and the French over fur and land during the 18th century.
Canada Cultural Sovereignty The weight of globalization on the national media techniques has activated a considerable range of research and different analysis. Canada being one of the nations has its policy makers and scholars concerned on the media's impact on not only its politics, but culture and religion too. The major reason is the proximity of Canada to the United States. It is also the world's greatest exporter of cultural produce
The various branches of the American military, for example, have their own form of nationalism that is represented by hard power and military supremacy. This does not mean that nationalism must be necessarily political in nature, but often the two are tied together due to the ease in which they go hand in hand. This can be said of geography as well, especially political geography. Often, political geography is mistaken
The new immigrants arrive, eager to work, often with families in town. The situation they find themselves in is far different from the image they held in their minds. White collar workers, especially in medical professions but also in others such as education, cannot transfer their skills seamlessly. Unless a new immigrant is hired internally by a Canadian company prior to their arrival, skills are deemed untransferrable. This has forced
In this sense, a certain political and historical experience common to the entire population does exist and may hold Canada together. Despite its history, one cannot deny the existence of two distinct forces, one British oriented, and the other French oriented. While the latter manifests itself in terms of secessionist ideas, British Canada and in general supporters of the unity of Canada have developed a sense of nationalism. The term
This developed later into selling feeder stock to U.S. where the costs of feed were less. In terms of agriculture, Canada does not have a suitable climate to grow corn, and during the 1890s there was the change in cultivation through the use of a new variety of wheat called 'red fyfe' that has a short growing season. This also provided better prices for the farmers and was suited
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