Whether a police chief in a medium size city could undertake a transformation from a military-style police uniform -- the style used almost universally in the U.S. And elsewhere -- to a more civilian-formatted uniform is problematic, but the idea is worth pursuing.
Authors Hahn and Jeffries explain -- through the research they accumulated -- that most people tend to "…shun or avoid individual contact with police officers" (Hahn, et al., 2003, p. 103). Why do people shy away from on-duty police officers? Hahn asserts that the hesitancy may be the result of "a general perception of police officers as agents of social control," which of course, in a way, is exactly the task of law enforcement (103). Moreover, citizens are understandably reticent to get "personally enmeshed in the punitive aspects of law enforcement," Hahn goes on (103).
Hahn's research reflects the results of surveys from Boston and Chicago; for example, people living in "high-crime areas" that had been "compelled to call on the police" for help were "not inclined to interact closely with police officers" (103). About one-third of the respondents in the survey Hahn references reported they had "never had social contact with employees of the police department." In addition, 41% of respondents in this survey "asserted that they had experienced some official contact with the police during the past year -- usually in the role of complainant -- and 45% said they did not know any police officers personally" (103).
From the other side of the equation, a survey of police officers in Boston and Chicago that Hahn references showed that "61% of police respondents claimed the public rarely or never cooperated with law enforcement officers by giving them needed information" (104). Police that responded to this survey believe that citizens aren't always cooperative because they either "fear" or "dislike" police -- or indeed they may fear "reprisal" and resist getting personally involved in others' problems (104). Some members of the public may be reluctant (in Chicago, Boston, and elsewhere) to cooperate with police, but Hahn's research reveals that only 10% of citizens that officers come into contact with are "antagonistic" and just 30% seem "agitated" (106).
The great majority of citizens can be characterized "as calm and deferential in encounters with police," Hahn continues, and when a citizen is in fact respectful and calm, those emotions "are often reciprocated by law enforcement," the author explains on page 106. In fact, the data from surveys Hahn presents shows that in nearly three-fourths of all their interactions with the public, police behaved "in a businesslike or routine civil fashion toward citizens" (106). In 15% of the encounters with citizens, officers were "more personal in demeanor, expressing humor or joviality" and in just 11% of the encounters with citizens officers were reported to be "hostile, authoritarian, or derisive of citizens" (106).
Regarding the public's perception of potential corruption by police, Hahn (108) reports the results of a national survey that showed 59% believed "almost all" police officers were honest." Another survey from Brooklyn New York found that 70% of citizens believed officers were "mostly honest with a few whom are corrupt"; and a third survey referenced by Hahn (from Detroit) reflected that "63% of residents believed law enforcement officers 'sometimes break the rules for their personal gain'" (108).
The Literature -- the "Blue Code of Silence"
Barry Wright delves into the "Blue Code of Silence" -- officers with knowledge of the improper behavior of a colleague and yet they refuse to report improper behaviors to superiors -- in his peer-reviewed article in the International Journal of Police Science & Management. The author posits that officers of course have "a moral and legal duty" to ensure all compliance with the law, by the public and by officers. But the literature in England, Wales, and abroad, indicates officers are reticent to "blow the whistle" on their peers (Wright, 2010, p. 341).
The reluctance to "blow the whistle" on another officer is not just the result of "loyalty and solidarity," Wright concludes (342). In fact "fear" plays a role, because there are unpleasant consequences for whistleblowers: an analysis shows that whistleblowers can experience (and have experienced) "social, career, physical and psychological costs" (342). Wright references a survey (Klockars et al., 2004) that was conducted in 14 countries, and in every country there was a "code"; a small minority of officers, it was revealed, "would not report even the most serious misconduct, whilst a significant proportion of officers" said they would not even report "minor" incidents (342). A very interesting survey that Wright conducted in England was done online; a total of 1,591...
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