Politics of Violence in Pinter's Late Plays
When Harold Pinter received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 2005, he spoke quite directly about the subject of political theatre:
Political theatre presents an entirely different set of problems. Sermonising has to be avoided at all cost. Objectivity is essential. The characters must be allowed to breathe their own air. The author cannot confine and constrict them to satisfy his own taste or disposition or prejudice. He must be prepared to approach them from a variety of angles, from a full and uninhibited range of perspectives, take them by surprise, perhaps, occasionally, but nevertheless give them the freedom to go which way they will. This does not always work. And political satire, of course, adheres to none of these precepts, in fact does precisely the opposite, which is its proper function. (Pinter 2005).
It is worth noting, however, of Pinter's address on this occasion was largely not about theatre at all: instead he spoke mainly of politics and violence. In some sense, Pinter's address -- coming near to the end of his life and his career -- reflected the explicitly political turn that Pinter's own dramatic career had taken in the 1980s, when his plays turned away from the domestic chamber dramas that had made him famous in the 1960s and began to address larger social issues. But there can sometimes seem to be a fundamental disconnection between Pinter's drama and Pinter's other writing. The response to the Iraq War in the 2005 Nobel address -- or Pinter's reaction to the first Iraq War in his 1991 poem "American Football" -- both display an intense awareness of American politics, foreign policy, and violence. But neither is necessarily immune to the charge of "sermonising" which Pinter insists a drama must eschew: the 1991 poem is probably a good example of what Pinter means by "political satire" which must engage in "sermonising" while the 2005 Nobel address is apparently a sincere statement of belief. The question then remains of how to connect Pinter's dramaturgy with his actual political beliefs: it is clear that Pinter conceived of much of his later dramatic work as political theatre, but to what extent can it be understood as (say) the kind of explicit and passionate commentary on American foreign policy that he offered in the Nobel address when America is never even mentioned? Instead, we must approach Pinter's late work at art, and understand the way in which ideas about language, politics, and violence in the abstract are being used to create drama that is not a direct intervention in a specific political circumstance, but instead a larger exploration and inquiry into the world that makes such specific political circumstances possible.
I propose a dissertation to study the politics of violence in the later plays of Harold Pinter. The dissertation will, of course, take account of the whole of Pinter's work, but it will focus mainly on seven more or less explicitly political dramas from the latter part of Pinter's career. These are, chronologically, One for the Road (1984); Mountain Language (1988); New World Order (1991); Party Time (1991); Ashes to Ashes (1996); Celebration (2000); and Press Conference (2002). It will be noted that this selection is already varied: New World Order and Press Conference have titles that essentially announce their status as something close to political satire, while the explicitly political situations of One for the Road and Mountain Language are a far cry from the more elliptical strangeness of the much later Ashes to Ashes and Celebration, plays that have been interpreted by some as having no political content at all. The focus of this study, however, will be on political violence -- and certainly discomforting depictions of violence (at least verbally) underlie all seven works. The goal is to interpret Pinter's work both in terms of its real-world referents -- to understand the actual political context of the two plays from the 1980s entails a deeper exploration, touched upon in Pinter's Nobel address, of the playwright's interest in the foreign policy of the Reagan administration in America, and its support for terrorist atrocities in the Central American nation of El Salvador.
However it is worth emphasizing that this study will not imply a one-to-one correspondence between real world political...
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