Philosophy
Kuhn's Rationale on the Irrationality of Scientific Revolutions
"Communities in this sense exist, of course, at numerous levels. The most global is the community of all natural scientists."
~Thomas S. Kuhn, from The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
To understand Thomas Kuhn's ideas regarding scientific revolutions, one must have a grasp on Kuhn's ideas relating to the history of science in general. Kuhn's perspective on the history of science is that scientific knowledge is not accumulative. He did not perceive the accumulation of knowledge as linear. Thus, before Kuhn explains the irrationality of scientific revolutions, he explains the irrationality of the historical picture of science in general. The paper will contend that scientific revolutions are irrational because science is irrational. As will be demonstrated by Kuhn and other authors, there is no specific logic as to why some theories and paradigms become popular and other do not. To paraphrase Kuhn, often whoever presented the better argument rather than whoever had the superior argument was the one that became popular and supported.[footnoteRef:0] In addition, Kuhn sums up the nature of scientific theories, popular or not, in that all scientific theories are empirically successful, but ultimately proven false. Thus, the nature of scientific theory is irrational and the rise of popular theories is irrational. How would scientific revolutions not be irrational also? The paper supports and proposes that Kuhn's views are that scientific revolutions are partially irrational in nature; they are necessary to scientific developments; and scientific revolutions like all revolutions, have political, economic, and cultural implications. Change and revolution are radical and often spring from emotional, psychological or ethical conflicts of interest; when it comes to human emotions, psychology, and ethics, rationality often takes a backseat to irrationality. The paper supplies Kuhn's reasons to think that shifts in scientific revolutions are not wholly rational and that Kuhn's reasoning effectively demonstrates that shifts in scientific thought violate codes of rationality. [0: T.S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Second Edition, The University of Chicago Press, London, 1970,-Page 158.]
Kuhn compares the nature of scientific revolution to that of the nature of political revolution. He comments on the power of crisis to jumpstart change in either realm:
Political revolutions are inaugurated by a growing sense, often restricted to a segment of the political community, that existing institutions have ceased adequately to meet the problems posed by an environment that they have in part created. In much the same way, scientific revolutions are inaugurated by a growing sense, again often restricted to a narrow subdivision of the scientific community, that an existing paradigm has ceased to function adequately in the exploration of an aspect of nature to which that paradigm itself had previously led the way. In both political and scientific development the sense of malfunction that can lead to crisis is prerequisite to revolution.[footnoteRef:1] [1: Ibid, Page 92.]
Scientific revolutions are comparable to political revolutions. Scientific revolutions are kinds of political revolutions. Scientific revolutions fight against the established order or paradigm that no longer serves the scientific community for one or more reasons. There is a similar sense of uprising and build up of tension in political and scientific revolutions. Inefficacies of scientific theories lead to malfunctioning; malfunction leads to crisis. Crises cause stress, anxiety, tension, irrationality, and may lead to revolution.
Revolutions, regardless of the variety (social, economic, political, cultural, scientific, etc.), may have both sources and effects that are not wholly rational. Kuhn continues his comparison of political revolutions with scientific revolutions, further cementing the supposition that scientific revolutions are political as he writes:
Political revolutions aim to change political institutions in ways that those institutions themselves prohibit. Their success therefore necessitates the partial relinquishment of one set of institutions in favor of another, and in the interim, society is not fully governed by institutions at all. Initially it is crisis alone that attenuates the role of political institutions as we have already seen it attenuate the role of paradigms. In increasing numbers individuals become increasingly estranged from political life and behave more and more eccentrically within it. Then, as the crisis...
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