At the time of its composition, Laird's proposal would be contextualized by the ongoing SALT conferences between the U.S. And Soviet Union designed to reduce each side's proclivity toward nuclear armament in a highly contentious setting. The result would be the re-assertion in Laird's strategy of American prioritization of its nuclear armament. As Laird would note, "we should make it clear to the Soviet Union that regardless of the outcome of SALT, our approach to strategic forces is designed to preserve our deterrent without question." (Laird, p. 10) This 'deterrent' would be the continued research, development and maintenance of its nuclear stockpile in the interests of demonstrating the latent power to respond to any Soviet nuclear action. As Laird reports, even under the terms of the uncomfortable negotiation with the Soviets over an Anti-Ballistics Missile treaty, it was the intention of the United States to remain girded by this stockpile.
Today, conditions are quite different owing primarily to the power vacuum created by the collapse of the Soviet Union. With its dissemination into an array of independent states would also come the dissemination of many of its nuclear secrets. These would not be accompanied by the same sovereignty principles that deterred the Soviets from engaging the U.S. On a nuclear front. Such is to say that as nuclear technology has become ever more accessible, rogue states such as Iran and North Korea demonstrate that the fear of nuclear retaliation may no longer be a sufficient deterrent. The current policy, accordingly, must more directly reflect the ambitions underlying the original SALT negotiations. That is, the United States must be an active participant in a multilateral effort to reduce the global presence of nuclear stockpiles as well as to apply political pressure on those rogue states that are not cooperative with that effort. This is a substantial departure from Laird's recommendations.
More consistent though is the relationship between Laird's sense of balance where the use of conventional force is concerned and the same sense as it is applied to military operations today. According to...
Peace Agreements and International Intervention A peace treaty is an agreement between two hostile parties, usually countries or governments, which formally ends a war or armed conflict. Treaties are often ratified in territories deemed neutral in the previous conflict and delegates from these neutral territories act as witnesses to the signatories. In the case of large conflicts between numerous parties there may be one global treaty covering all issues or separate
For example, in decision making style differences arise from professional backgrounds, "the decision cycle of a fighter pilot (the Navy Captain) [is] measured in seconds while that of an infantry officer (the Colonel) in hours and days." If one compounds this paradigm with career Statists, who tend to measure decisions in months or years based on "never enough data," we can see the conundrum (Marks, 2007). For generations, though, training
(Mahnken and Maiolo, 2008, p. 339); (Friedman, 2003); (Military Doctrine, Guerrilla Warfare and Counterinsurgency, 2003) "Disaggregation" could provide a new strategy for the counterinsurgency model for its war against terrorism. Disaggregation would involve prohibiting links between theaters, preventing global or regional insurgents to associate with or exploit potential local terrorists, disrupting the flow of information, propaganda and materials within and between jihad hotspots, abolishing sanctuary areas, identifying and isolating radical
Strategy -- Rulers, States and War It is very difficult to look at the history of humanity and define a number of common, yet intangible philosophies of action that seem to be part of the overall human condition. One of these intangibles is the human capacity to produce both incredible beauty and horrific evil -- both of which occur during war. In fact, we may ask -- what is war?
Yet, according to the article, former Yugoslav republics continue in their failure to arrest and hand over inductees, or to investigate and prosecute the war crimes in question. Clearly the counseling provided by the ICTY has been far from adequate, or the countries involved are simply not yet ready to take over the responsibility of prosecution. The article also cites Amnesty International in a statement that war crime legislation on
Brief: Analysis of the Global Peace Index and United States Peace IndexThe Global Peace Index (GPI) for 2023 shows a continued deterioration in global peacefulness for the ninth consecutive year. 84 countries recorded improvements, while 79 deteriorated. Key factors include increased conflict deaths, economic impacts of violence, and internationalization of conflicts. Ukraine experienced significant deterioration due to the ongoing conflict.The U.S. Peace Index (USPI) from 2010 key findings show that
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