This geographical bias, the article notes, is indicative of some degree of inconsistency in a system that determines the right to take the lives of its subjects. Another issue that is even more disturbing is the inherent racial bias that underscores the American judicial system. According to the article, "Studies have shown that race plays a part in who receives the death penalty in the U.S.A., with murders involving white victims more likely to result in death sentences than those involving black victims. 'Race, geography, electoral politics, local finances, jury composition, and the quality of legal representation are all problematic factors in capital cases in the U.S.A. Being tried for a capital crime is like taking part in a lethal lottery, and it should have no place in any justice system,' said Widney Brown." (AI3, p. 1).
The AI article resolves with the assertion that the day in which the United States does finally declare a moratorium on judicial executions will be one in which it can begin to have a more markedly positive impact on this issue on the global scale. Indeed, today, the death penalty continues in yet more unabated and troubling fashions throughout the developing sphere. And nations with the capacity to intervene such as the U.S. are clearly in no ethical or practical position to do so. One of the most immediately pressing instances where a change in U.S. policy could help improve developing sphere conditions comes to our consideration from Nigeria. Much of the African continent is demonstrative of the goals which are part and parcel to the Amnesty mission, presenting human rights advocates with a slew of institutional challenges that ultimately allow for these types of abuses in the areas of imprisonment and the use of capital punishment. For instance, contrary to the judicial parameters of a constitutional democracy, Nigeria has demonstrated a willingness to execute even convicts who have not yet reached legal adulthood. To this extent, "as of February 2008, 725 men and 11 women were on death row in Nigeria. At least 40 of them were under 18. About 53% were convicted of murder. Most of the rest were convicted of armed robbery and robbery." (AI1, 1) and as the article by Amnesty International highlights, these convictions rest on the terms of trial law that is demonstrably unfair and contrary to due process.
The Amnesty report on this subject indicates that there are root causes for this type of social problem that are exemplified by this situation in Nigeria. Particularly, there is a persistent shortcoming on the part of law-enforcement to be able to effectively combat the degree of civil crime which is rampant in Nigeria. The response which is typically exhibited by a dramatically short-handed police and judicial force will tend to suggest an aggressive over-compensation for limited resource and effectiveness. This results in broad-based tendency toward clear human rights abuses as a normalized part of law enforcement. Indeed, the experience of many death-row inmates in Nigeria is such that the resolution of execution is only the final punishment in a litany of violations. As the 2008 report tells, "almost 80% of inmates...
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