Annotated Bibliography

Agbiboa, D.E. (2013a). Peace at Daggers Drawn? Boko Haram and the State of Emergency in Nigeria. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 37(1): 41-67.

One of the leading analysts on Boko Haram here provides a detailed overview of the group, discussing how Boko Haram emerged out of the chaotic instability in northern Nigeria, what specific demands and issues the group has presented and how those demands have changed, how they recruit, and also the methods Boko Haram uses to facilitate and carry out its operations. According to Abgiboa (2013a), "more than 3,500 people have died in Nigeria since 2009," (p. 41). Negotiations with the group have failed, due in part to "distrust on both sides" as well as Boko Haram's factionalization (p. 41). The factions emerging in Boko Haram may offer clues as to how to destabilize the group from the inside.

Agbiboa, D.E. (2013b). Why Boko Haram Exists: The Relative Deprivation Perspective. African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 3(1): 144-157.

The author frames Boko Haram not only in terms of Nigeria's colonial past, but also in terms of its conflicted present. Noting that radical Islam is "not a new phenomenon in northern Nigeria," Agbiboa (2013b) claims that "Muslim fanatics" have capitalized on the systematic disenfranchisement and impoverishment in the north to radicalize young recruits. The author shows how deprivation theory can be applied to Boko Haram to provide alternative counterterrorism solutions.

Anyadike, N.O. (2013). Boko Haram and National Security Challenges in Nigeria; Causes and Solutions. Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development 4(5): Retrieved: http://rguild.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/Boko-Haram-and-National-Security-Challenges-in-Nigeria-Causes.pdf

This article is helpful for positioning Boko Haram in terms of globalized Islamic terrorism. The author shows how Boko Haram's 2009 uprising "set a precedent," and showed how a specifically Nigerian brand of Islamic fundamentalism was competing with secular Nigerian institutions. Economic disenfranchisement, "party politics and politics of anxiety," and desperate politicians have fomented the anti-government sentiments among northern Nigerians, and Islamic leaders have remained relatively "ambivalent" to the group (p. 1). This article is helpful for understanding Boko Haram within the context of Nigerian political, social, and economic institutions.

Blanchard, L.P. (2014). Nigeria's Boko Haram: Frequently Asked Questions. Current Politics and Economics of Africa7(2) (2014): 143-172.

Blanchard (2014) discusses Boko Haram from the perspective of American foreign policy and counterterrorism. The author points out how the April 2014 abduction of almost 300 schoolgirls drew additional media attention onto the group, placing it alongside groups like Al Qaeda even though an official connection between the two groups has not been affirmed. However, Boko Haram has been named "one of the deadliest terrorist groups in the world," not only by the Obama Administration but also by the United Nations.

Hansen, W.W. & Musa, U.A. (2013). Fanon, the Wretched and... Journal of Asian and African Studies January 15, 2013 0021909612467277.
This article helps with theory development, showing how critical Marxist theory and post-colonial discourse can be used to frame and influence policy related to Boko Haram. The authors use Frantz Fanon's theories as a springboard for analysis, showing how Boko Haram can be viewed as an extension of colonial and post-colonial uprisings of "the socially marginalized, the abused, the dregs of humanity, The Other!" (p. 1). Dehumanization leads to violent attempts to reclaim power, identity, and a sense of humanity. Fanon's theory links in with conflict theory in general.

Mantzikos, I. (2013). Boko Haram: Anatomy of a Crisis. Bristol, UK: E-IR.

One of the few books to be included in this research, Mantzikos (2013) has compiled a range of pertinent essays from authors addressing Boko Haram from different perspectives and theoretical viewpoints. Essays cover issues as wide-ranging as identity construction and psychological issues, to how Boko Haram specifically carries out specialized targets like communications infrastructure and how the Nigerian government as responded. This book will therefore become instrumental for this research.

Mohammed, K. (2014). The message and methods of Boko Haram. In Marc-Antoine Perouse de Montclos (Ed.) Boko Haram: Islamism, politics, security and the state in Nigeria. African Studies Centre. Retrieved: http://ifra-nigeria.org/IMG/pdf/boko-haram-islamism-politics-security-nigeria.pdf#page=19

This article shows how Boko Haram has been influenced by external, mainly Salafi, Jihadist Islamic militant groups, not just in terms of doctrine but also tactics including "targeted assassinations, suicide bombings, and hostage taking," (Mohammad, 2014, p. 19). The author also shows how Boko Haram has been also working in Mali, and has become linked with regional terrorist networks as well as global ones.

Ojochenemi, J.D., Asuelime, L.E. & Onapajo, H. (2015). Responses and Recommendations to End Boko Haram Terrorism. In Boko Haram: The Socio-Economic Drivers. Springer Briefs in Political Science, 103-114.

This article offers a refreshing focus on solutions to Boko Haram focused on pragmatic as well as theoretical issues. The topics addressed include the oil-based economy as potentially contributing to the problem, as well as "endemic corruption, poverty, frustration, despair, and social exclusion and marginalization," (p. 103). Solutions need to focus on root causes, and include good governance policies, leadership, and institutions like welfare and job creation.

Onuoha, F.C. (2014). Why do youth join Boko Haram? United States Institute of Peace Special Report 348, June 2014, Retrieved: http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR348-Why_do_Youth_Join_Boko_Haram.pdf

The key question for the author is why young people are drawn to the group in the first place, and methodology includes the use of surveys, interviews, and focus groups conducted in Nigeria in 2013. The results suggest that "poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, and weak family structures make or contribute to making young men vulnerable to radicalization," (Onuoha, 2014,…