" The Petersberg type missions done in association with the WEU were among the first steps taken to increase the voice of Europe on the international scene in the matter of security capabilities. However, they were abandoned or at least left aside due to the increased desire to develop the Union's own military capabilities and to become a relevant partner in insuring world security.
The most important challenge for the European Defence however came once the option of the war in Iraq appeared. In 2003 it was clear that there were different opinions arguing for and against the U.S. led military intervention. In this sense "the Iraq crisis has not only threatened the transatlantic ties but also produced intra-European divisions which have cast doubts over the future CSFP and ESDP of the EU." This turn of events in the international political life drew the attention on the various discussions that had already split the European countries in terms of deciding on common political stands concerning crises in the world.
The constant considerations of aspects such as common foreign policy or European defence has determined member state states to reconsider the traditional disputes related to sovereignty, political control, or the possible relation with NATO and other important actors of the international scene. The impact this evolution had on the member states, as well as on the institution itself is essential to the history of the EU. At the same time however, in order to establish itself as an essential played of the security environment, the European Union, through its ESDP had to take into account the entire array of influences, political and geographical spaces. In this sense, the Mediterranean Partnership, the relation with Russia, the Ukraine and Turkey are essential for the possible positive prospects of the European initiatives.
The ESDP
An important aspect of the conduct of the ESDP in relation to the constraints of the national entities is related to the limited desire of states and the political forces dominant in those states to engage in a political decision process that would suggest even the slightest restriction in the exercise of their sovereign status. Thus, the success of the ESDP implies a process of democratization, more precisely the insurance that decisions are taken in such a manner as to insure the voicing of all opinions. However, "it is not surprising in that democratisation involves the redistribution of influence among actors in every context and thus is bound to generate a degree of resistance and opposition. It would be implausible to suppose that the European Union (EU) should be any different in this respect. In the EU, the prospect of democratisation seems particularly problematic because the main actors threatened by it are precisely those in charge of determining the pace and shape of the Union's institutional change, that is, the governments of the member states." Thus, from this point-of-view, the tensions arising inside the ESPD are justifiable.
On the one hand, there is the issue of France, who is a strong supporter of the ESDP as well as the European Defence Identity. From the time of the Cold War onwards, every president marched on the idea of a distinct European identity from the NATO forces and the decision making process. This was largely because they considered NATO as being an organization clearly dominated by American politics and the boycott the French engaged in the sixties was relevant for their stand. The equipment of the EU with 60,000 military forces following the Helsinki Summit in 1999 can be considered a step in the right direction for the further establishment of a truly powerful European defence.
On the other hand, there is the issue of states such as Great Britain who are widely seen and for the right reason, to be the most important ally of the United States. In this sense, there are indeed matters of concern for the eventual integrated security strategy of the EU given the fact that NATO's presence in Europe and in regard to European affairs and the potential support the organization may insure to its European partners would prove to be dissolute. Thus, the UK especially under the ministry of Tony Blair was relatively reluctant to pledge support full heartily to the European Defence project. The St. Malo Summit which defined the guidelines for the ESDP showed a more consistent British attitude in terms of the ESDP....
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