Such practices led to the growth of foreign loans and investment to Chile, which were stopped during Allende's office, but at the same time it led to the domination of foreign capital in economy sector and weaking positions of national production. Mining industry was privatized by big American corporations, which restored their traditional influence in this sector:
Pinochet's neoliberal economic policies' benefits have been sharply contested. In 1973, unemployment was only 4.3%. Following ten years of junta rule in 1983, unemployment skyrocketed to 22%. Real wages declined by more than 40%. In 1970, 20% of Chile's population lived in poverty. In 1990, in the last year of Pinochet's dictatorship, poverty doubled to 40%.[2] Between 1982 and 1983, the GDP dropped 19%. In 1970, the daily diet of the poorest 40% of the population contained 2,019 calories. By 1980 this had fallen to 1,751, and by 1990 it was down to 1,629. Furthermore, the percentage of Chileans without adequate housing increased from 27 to 40% between 1972 and 1988, despite the government's boast that the new economy would solve homelessness.[3] Meanwhile, the wealthy were raking it in. In 1970, the richest one-fifth of the population controlled 45% of the wealth compared to 7.6% for the poorest one-fifth. In 1989, the richest one-fifth controlled 55% of the wealth while the poorest one-fifth controlled only 4.4%"
But at the same time we can conclude that the stability achieved by Pinochet's junta was mainly resulted by different forms of aid which Chile received mainly from the U.S.A. USA was its main lobby in international financial institutions (such IMF) even during Carter's office that criticized violence and repressions of junta. It was the time of the Cold war and Latin America with a big segment of working class and uneasy political conditions was very vulnerable towards penetration of "revolutionary Marxism." Pinochet always justified his methods by the struggle against the spread of Marxism in Latin America. Similar politics was common for dictators of Argentina, Peru and Bolivia of that period.
Today it's difficult...
Military The colonists' most revered military institution was the militia, a model inherited from their forebears in England. The philosophical underpinnings of the militia model are easy to understand: "fear of a standing army," (Millet and Maslowski 1). A standing army can turn against its people, staging what now would be called military coups one after the other. During and especially after Independence, the validity, effectiveness, efficiency, and relevance of the
It has been the purpose of this exploratory essay to examine the question of what would happen if the military upped the drinking age for troops and as I've found out there's certain knowns, e.g. people would be (duly) outraged, and certain unknowns, e.g. effects on alcohol related car accidents involving military personnel and the rate of military suicides. What's clear is that more research and information needs to be
Institutions can be utilitarian, normative, or coercive ("Formal Organization Structure: Utilitarian, Normative & Coercive," n.d.). Coercive institutions are relatively easy to identify in that they have strict rules of membership and maintain tight control over members. Many coercive institutions are also "assimilating" in nature, in that they depend on the indoctrination of members. Cults are examples of coercive and assimilating institutions, and so is the military. These are both also
Military education is also more values-driven and goal-oriented than traditional higher education; as Husted and West (2008) note, the military education forces its members to remain accountable at all times, often through policies such as honor codes, and students learn the value of honesty, integrity, and hard work. While it could be argued that the honor code is an unnecessarily harsh policy and therefore a disadvantage of military life,
Hard evidence was hard to find, but in cases where corruption was proven, people were punished, often through loss of job or leadership position (Bailey 15-16). Both Harvey and Bailey recommend more transparency in the processes of registration for and distribution of aid and responsive mechanisms to receive, investigate, and address recipient complaints. The International Criminal Court seems to be able to hold itself above the corrupting influences that can affect
Retired or dismissed soldiers were not subdued to physical punishments such as whipping, so police could do nearly nothing even in the case of open public aggression or hooliganism. Absence of alternative to heavy drinking in the army created such attitudes, according to..: Unfortunately in the Guards, as far as I know, there was nothing like educational recreation facilities and the soldiers were deprived of any sort of recreation for
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