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Marcus Garvey Term Paper

Marcus Garvey was the central figure in, perhaps, the largest African-American movement in United States history. He stood as the most outspoken proponent of the notion that Africans should return to Africa and start their own nation; this has come to be known as the "back to Africa" movement. "His phenomenal success came at a time when African-American confidence was low and unemployment was considered a way of life. Garvey harnessed these conditions to build momentum for his cause." (Carter, 2002). This state of affairs for African-Americans in the early twentieth century, coupled with Garvey's personal deliberations and philosophy brought him to the ultimate conclusion that abandoning the Americas was not only justified, but required for Africans to reach their potential in the eyes of God and the world. Following his death Amy Jacques-Garvey -- his wife -- compiled The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, which details the motivations behind his controversial crusade. The writings were speeches and meditations recorded by Garvey during his time as a leader of black culture. His opinions and arguments remain contentious, powerful, and somewhat compelling to this day. However, more importantly, they capture the economic, mental, emotional, and spiritual plight of many post World War I African-Americans, and the logical explanations and avenues of escape as they were seen. Most striking in Garvey's initial handling of philosophy is his straightforward approach to the definitions of fundamental terms. A word or phrase is stated, and then his unique perspective regarding it is explained. At first glance, these definitions appear exceedingly general and do not clearly point to an obvious aim. Yet, as Garvey's meditations progress it becomes evident that this broad introduction into his personal philosophy is undeniably directed at backing his most famous claim -- that Africans should migrate to Africa.

Although left formally uninvestigated, his core beliefs appear to lie with, first, the Christian faith, and second, democratic notions of equality and liberty. He fails to broach...

He writes, "Religion is one's opinion can belief in some ethical truth. . . . No two persons think alike, even if they outwardly profess the same faith, so we have as many religions in Christianity as we have believers." (Garvey, 3). This is an important definition because although Garvey later endorses separation between the races of the world, at no point does he investigate the social frictions that occur between and within religions. Undeniably, this is not because of an inability to recognize the contrasts between faiths, but apparently, he sees racial friction as far more irrevocable.
Garvey's assessment of government and democracy is also mentioned when he endeavors to define "government." He writes, "Government is not infallible. Government is only an executive control, a centralized authority for the purpose of expressing the will of the people. Before you have a government you must have a people." (Garvey, 19). Accordingly, Garvey seems to offhandedly dismiss many of the forms of government evident in world history who's expressed policies and ideals reflected nothing but the will of the ruling classes, nobles, or emperors. This is plainly a vision of government from the perspective of a liberal democrat -- like those that founded the United States -- and reveals another implicit core principle to which Garvey clings: democratic equality.

Upon these foundations Garvey's most recognized opinions are put forward. To Garvey, there is a clear problem: racial oppression and conflict. He summarizes the assertions made by many of his contemporary black leaders: "Some Negro leaders have advanced the belief that in another few years the white people will make up their minds to assimilate their black populations; thereby sinking all the racial prejudice in the welcoming of the black race in to the social companionship of the white." (Garvey, 26). He goes on to say, "This belief is preposterous. . . . The white man of America will not, to any organized extent, assimilate the Negro, because in…

Sources used in this document:
Work Cited:

1. Carter, Shawn. "The Economic Philosophy of Marcus Garvey." Western Journal of Black Studies, Spring 2002. Vol. 26, Iss. 1, pg. 1-5.

2. Gale, Thomson. "Marcus Garvey: Bibliographical Essay." Thomson Corporation Company, 2005.

3. Garvey, Marcus. The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey. Dover: Majority Press, 1986.
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