Louisiana: Race Relations During Reconstruction
Reconstruction and Race Relations
Louisiana: A Case Study in Race Relations during Reconstruction
Louisiana: A Case Study in Race Relations during Reconstruction
Southern Louisiana during the Civil War was quickly occupied by Union troops and the slaves began to flee plantations to Union-controlled cities like New Orleans and Natchez (Steedman, 2009). The influx created problems for the Army since they were both wartime refugees and de facto free, despite parts of southern Louisiana being excluded from the Emancipation Proclamation. As the war drew to a close in 1864 President Lincoln used Union-occupied Louisiana as a showcase for Reconstruction. Elections were held, governor and representatives selected, but Congress refused to recognize Louisiana's representatives. In 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment was enacted making any form of slavery illegal in the United States (Goluboff, 2001).
When elections were held again in 1865, control of Louisiana shifted to Southern Democrats (Steedman, 2009). Reconstruction under President Johnson resulted in Confederate soldiers having their lands returned, which made it difficult for the Freedmen's Bureau to find land that could be given to former slaves. Black Codes had been enacted by legislatures throughout the Southern states limiting the work opportunities of freedmen and race riots in New Orleans and Memphis made it obvious that second class citizenship was the only 'accepted' option available to former slaves and non-white free citizens. With Southern Democrats in control of the state government many whites were entertaining the possibility of restoring plantations to their former political and social glory.
Congress responded by placing Louisiana under military rule and former slaves began to run for political offices (Steedman, 2009). Republicans began to regain control of the state and local governments. A Constitutional Convention was convened in Louisiana and close to half the representatives in attendance were black. By 1870, slavery had been outlawed and a completely revised Constitution was enacted. The
The only African-American running for office in the Ouachita Parish was shot and killed in 1868 and the use of violence to influence the political fate of Louisiana increased. A local newspaper in Ouachita Parish, the Quachita Telegraph, told planters not to hire any laborers who were members of the Republican Party or who would remain neutral when called upon to promote the planter's interests. The Democratic Party in Ouachita Parish also began to issue work permits to freed slaves if they joined the party.
The violence surrounding the 1968 elections prompted Congress to enact the Enforcement Acts between 1870 and 1871, giving the President the authority to enforce the law with force if necessary (Steedman, 2009). Prison terms and fines could be imposed on anyone convicted of interfering with elections. At the same time, Congress eliminated any restrictions on former Confederates wishing to run for office. The result was the least violent election in recent Louisiana history in 1872, but by far the most fraudulent. Polling places were closed early or moved and ballot boxes stuffed by both parties. By the time the dust had settled, two inaugurations for the newly elected governors were held and two legislative bodies were seated in New Orleans. When President Grant recognized only the Republican governor and his legislature and promised to use troops to enforce his will, white Democrats throughout the state began to talk about overthrowing what they viewed as an illegitimate government.
Citizen clubs (all white) began to form in an effort to restore control of the government to the 'people' (Steedman, 2009). Tax resistance was one of the initial strategies, but conservative newspapers like the New Orleans Times and Picayune urged citizen clubs to make their strength and power known (through violence if necessary). In April of 1873, hundreds of freed black men were burned alive after retreating to a courthouse in Colfax. Any freedmen that tried to escape were gunned down. The next year, both black and white Republican politicians were executed in Coushattam. The Ouachita Telegraph described the massacre in Colfax as…
(Freeman, 2007). None of the programs was responsible, and freed slaves, especially in rural areas, were left with no property and few prospects following emancipation. Unfortunately, slaves who did not choose to leave their plantations helped establish the precedence of sharecropping, which led to the virtual re-enslavement of a new generation of African-Americans after Reconstruction. Under the practice of sharecropping, a farmer works on someone else's land, and promises to
But that doesn't really change the history or the reality of any event. Emancipation should have been our first concern but fortunately it was not even one of the main concerns let alone the first one. Lincoln along with other political heavyweights were more interested in appeasing the South and various efforts were made to please the Southern elite since secession was an imminent possibility. So for various political and
Ku Klux Klan: A History Naturally, today we are convinced -- and rightfully so -- that the Ku Klux Klan's politics and desires and goals are inherently evil. They are not in sync with the times, at the very least, and at the very most, they are a representation of all that is negative in racial relations. However, to understand the Klan's motivations, one must truly look at the group's origins
Instead of pretending that racism and its effects no longer exist, we need to strengthen affirmative action and devise a new set of policies that directly tackle the racial gap in wealth." (Derrity, 1). That, in a nutshell, is the position of this paper. America has not given affirmative action enough time to act. Moving forward, we should continue our affirmative action policies, but with an end in mind. Economists
Vann Woodward and Jim Crow Evaluating the impact of Reconstruction social policy on blacks is more controversial due to the issue of segregation. Until the publication of C. Vann Woodward Strange Career of Jim Crow in 1955, the traditional view was that after the gains of Reconstruction, Conservative Democrats clamped down on the blacks by instituting an extensive system of segregation and disfranchisement (Woodward, 1974). Woodward, however, argued that there was
To understand the spirit of the Reconstruction crisis, one must understand the reality of the civil war, recognize that the generation of Americans caught up in the web of Reconstruction actually lived, actually confronted a situation, today totally alien to us, where countrymen killed countrymen, where political power involved more than the simple control of administration. (Benedict, 1973, p. 1) Americans were ill equipped to cope with the problem effectively.
Our semester plans gives you unlimited, unrestricted access to our entire library of resources —writing tools, guides, example essays, tutorials, class notes, and more.
Get Started Now