Latin American Music
Music Industry
The music industry is undergoing a global technological revolution which has been induced by the introduction of Peer to Peer (P2P) file sharing services, and the proliferation of recordable CD equipment which his now within the financial reach of the average consumer. Any one of these three influences alone could have been absorbed by the recording industry. The presence of a P2P service which was limited only to sharing files between computers would have been convenient and fun. If consumers could only put personal music tracks on portable music devices, the convenience would have expanded the reach of the individual's music collection, much the same way that personal cassette recorders did in the 1970's. Although the music industry was worried about personal cassette recording abilities of the past decades, the inherent poor quality of personal recordings meant that the demand for studio recordings remained high.
However, the advent of personal digital recording equipment, combined with P2P sharing services, and a consumer population which is becoming increasingly computer literate has created a significantly adverse environment for the recording industry. This change in the marketplace has also been influences by increasing levels of music piracy. The same technological reasons which make personal digital recordings simple and inexpensive for the consumer have opened the door for music pirated to flood the marketplace with their illegally duplicated music. The combined effect for the music industry, in particular a growing Latin American marketplace, has been to create declining revenues, and financial losses.
Recent History of Latin Music Industry.
The Latin music record scene took hold initially in large metropolitan areas which contained large numbers of immigrant, and ethnic population. New York had been long monopolized by RCA Victor, Columbia, and. The domination of these three Anglo companies which dominated the music industry had tended to limit the diversity and quantity of Latin records. These 'majors' were boycotted in 1942 and 1947 by the American Federation of Musicians, and finally, in a confrontation between the two associations of working musicians, BMI (Broadcast Music Inc.) turned to nontraditional (especially black and Latin) popular music when ASCAP (American Society of Composers, Authors, and Publishers) banned its mainstream popular music radio broadcasts in the early 1940s. (Manuel, 1991)
These developments contributed to the rise of smaller, independent firms that were able to service the demand for specialized markets in a more creative, responsive, and energetic way. For Latin music, such developments in the record industry, together with the dramatic increase in migration from Puerto Rico during the 1940s and the big-band "mambo craze" of the 1950s, facilitated the emergence of such independents
In the latter 1960s, Cuban dance music in New York City underwent a transitional period of reorientation and redefinition. Thus, although the "salsa" label was commercial in inspiration, it can be seen as legitimate insofar as it denoted music that had acquired a new social significance and operated in a milieu substantially distinct from that of its Caribbean parent. Salsa's lyrics, like those of its predecessors, the Cuban son and rumba, frequently dealt with local neighborhood events; (Agudelo, 1987) but now the neighborhood was East Harlem rather than, for example, Havana's Guanabacoa suburb.
The growth of salsa as a vehicle of social identity was inseparable from its development as a commercial entity. Indeed, the more salsa flourished, the more it was subject to the pressures of the corporate music industry. Some of these pressures -- toward standardization, stylistic conservatism, and absence of sociopolitical content (Agudelo, 1987) operated in direct opposition to the grass-roots attempt to use the genre as an expression of barrio identity. Thus, the development of salsa can be seen as an ongoing dialectic between the Latino community's attempt to shape salsa as its own sub-cultural expression
The demography of New York City's Hispanic population started changing in the mid-1970s, when the numerical dominance of Puerto Ricans was challenged by the increased influx of Dominicans, Central Americans, Colombians, Mexicans, and others. By 1985 these groups outnumbered Puerto Ricans, many of whom were themselves assimilating to Anglo culture (Bagdikian, 1985) As a result of the continuing rise in Latino population in the major cities, the 'majors' -- especially RCA/Ariola, CBS, A&M, and EMI -- energetically entered the Latin music industry in 1980. While signing contracts with a few salsa groups, the majors concentrated on common-denominator genres whose appeal transcends ethnic and regional markets. Thus, they have focused investment on pop balladeers, Latin soft rock, and crossover artists with both English and Spanish-speaking audiences. (Fernandaz, 1985) T. www.questia.com/PM.qst?action=getPage&docId=96517515&offset=1&WebLogicSession=P1B87N2k2MeEm3B3NviN03rfpEd02xnoInOBQJRo4pE7iQuV1Z3J|9172548956389884772/-1407384781/6/10001/10001/443/443/10001/-1|1072725228914"...
Future of the Latin American Music Recording Industry A recent television commercial for the Honda motor cars complete the dialogue of features and benefits of new products with three words from the product spokesperson. "This changed everything" is uttered in astounded disbelief as the person discovers that the new products and services are a breakthrough in the particular product line. The same astonished statement must be applied to the music industry,
Latin Music Industry Problems The global music industry has suffered a three fold attack on its profitiabiithy in the recent years. From three separate sectors new technology has affected the abilty of the music industry to make a profit, and continue to support the artist which make the industry possible. If these three areas are not addressed in the political, and legal arena in the near futre, the health and well
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