Juvenile Delinquency
Impact of Poverty, Health Problems, Family Problems on Increase in Juvenile Delinquency?
Juvenile delinquency and its causes have been studied extensively. Many factors that put adolescents at risk of becoming delinquent have been identified. The majority of youth who enter the child welfare system, and many of the youth who are caught up in the juvenile justice system have experienced abuse and neglect, dysfunctional home environments, destructive and inconsistent parenting practices, poverty, emotional and behavioral disorders, poor mental and physical health care, poor family-school relationships, exposure to deviant peers as well as community and societal problems that have contributed to their entry into the child welfare and juvenile justice systems (Miller, Davies & Greenwald, 5-6).
Poverty
The increasing depth of poverty for American children is shown not only in this change but also in dramatic changes in the nature of poverty. Children in poverty are increasingly concentrated in impoverished and underclass neighborhoods (Greenwood, 91-95). Concern about the number of children living in poverty arises from our knowledge of the problems children face because of poverty. Since the 1960s, developmental research has examined the effects of poverty on IQ, social adjustment, self-esteem, depression, and other types of maladaptive behaviors as mediated by such factors as parenting, home environment, family structure, immediate resources and more recently, school, child care, and neighborhood (Huston et al., 275). In each case, poverty has been shown to have detrimental effects. Whether we find evidence that poverty is related to delinquency, however, depends on the type of research employed. Ethnographic studies link poverty to delinquency and crime, along with such factors as persistent unemployment, marital disruption, female-headed households, and teenage pregnancy.
Ethnographic research tends to focus on a relatively small group within a relatively limited context, however, and so is unable to convincingly rule out rival hypotheses for a poverty -- delinquency relationship. Empirical research at the aggregate-level has also amassed evidence that chronic and persistent poverty leads to crime (Fauth, Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 761). The results of aggregate-level studies, however, are not often taken by many as convincing evidence of a causal relationship or as useful in explaining the nature of the relationship: when a relationship is found using aggregated data, the etiology, characteristics, and behavior associated with that relationship cannot be specifically detailed or easily understood. The most convincing evidence that poverty causes delinquency would, therefore, necessarily be based on individual-level quantitative analyses. Yet, such investigations provide the least support for a relationship between poverty and crime. It has been found that children from disadvantaged families are more likely to engage in delinquent behaviors. At the same time, children from disadvantaged families are more likely to be neglected and abused.
In general, such research efforts have led to the conclusion that poverty accounts for little of the variation in delinquent involvement (Fauth, Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 763). Yet, individual level quantitative analyses have been the least effective of these three approaches at identifying the group which criminological theory suggests is the most important -- individuals who grew up in conditions of persistent poverty (Farnworth et al., 32-35). Among the types of research examining the association between poverty and delinquency, ethnographic research provides the most consistent evidence linking poverty to delinquency. Ethnographies are also rich sources of information on the processes through which poverty is associated with delinquency.
In particular, they give us another source for understanding those factors that might well mediate the effect of poverty on delinquency. Many of the processes support the theoretical positions of strain and sub-cultural theories. For example, Sa'nchez Jankowski (1995) has described the motives for delinquent involvement of those people living in poverty.
First, for many people living in poverty, crime is seen as the only opportunity for achieving a higher level of socioeconomic status.
Second, some people living in poverty turn to crime as a means of surviving, and at a minimum, maintaining their current economic status.
Third, many people living in poverty, especially adolescents, resort to delinquency to enhance their financial ability to have fun.
Finally, for those living in poverty, respect and honor become cherished "possessions" in the absence of material possessions.
As a result, the individual is often prepared to take whatever means are necessary to protect his or her respect and honor, an argument consistent with the theoretical discussions of Fauth, Roth & Brooks-Gunn (2007). More generally,...
(Sampson, R. 1987) in one of the exhaustive juvenile crime studies that exist today, Professor Laub from the university of Maryland followed the lives of juvenile delinquent and non-delinquent boys at age 14, 25 and 32 respectively. All the boys were from the similar poor backgrounds and the results of the study helped identify a clear and conclusive pattern. Professor Laub found that low levels of parental supervision, harsh
Juvenile Delinquency and the Juvenile Justice System Juveniles are represented either in the legal system through the juvenile family court designed for children many years ago or by the criminal court system meant for adults. The criminal court system is opted for children suspected of committing serious crimes although transfer is possible from juvenile justice system into adult court system. This legal system has been the source of problems for all
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, 2008). Respondents to the study were 250 persons, aged 19-24, recruited at birth between 1979 and 1984 and pregnant women in four clinics in Cincinnati, Ohio. The pregnant women lived in areas with high concentrations of older-type of lead-contaminated dwellings (Wright et al.). Commendable efforts have been expended to reduce exposures to tobacco and environmental lead at this time. But millions of young people continue to be exposed to
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As theories claim certain risk factors and ignore others, it is critical to evaluate the most common risk factors despite their discipline fields. There are five broad domains for risk factors: Individual, family, school, peer group, and community. Another key component to understanding risk factors is the age of onset, in which early onset is considered age 6-11, and late onset is considered age 12-14 (Shader, 2002). Each of
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