IntroductionIntimate relationships have changed in contemporary Britain for a variety of social and economic reasons. In the past, marriage made economic sense for both men and women. Today, however, with a combination of social factors from the sexual revolution of the 1960s to the Women’s Movement of the 1970s (which helped women to establish themselves independently of men) to the advent of contraception (liberating sex from procreation) to the proliferation of pornography (thanks to liberal ideals and technological advancements like the Internet), the idea of matrimony as an expression of economic dependence has diminished while the concepts of monogamy, virginity having value, and sex being linked to marriage, family and community have by and large given way to more liberalized concepts in which intimacy is linked with pleasure and self-satisfaction without social, economic or personal responsibilities necessarily being part of that equation. The rise of the idea of romantic love in modern society has led to the pursuit of intimacy in relationships outside of marriage and in different forms than what has typically been traditionally accepted in society. As the rate of marriage has declined over the past century and the rate of divorce has risen, it can be surmised that the nature of society and its attitudes towards intimate relationships have substantially changed to effect this long-term trend. There is now more diversity and variation in intimate relationships than in centuries past. This paper will analyze the theories and concepts of Anthony Giddens, Ulrich Beck and Elizabeth Beck-Gernsheim, Zygmunt Bauman and Eva Illouz to provide some ideas on why intimate relationships have changed and explain which theories are most useful and why.
Anthony Giddens
Giddens’ (1992) view on intimacy is that the impact of modernity on the self and one’s sense of identity has led to a transformation in how intimate relationships are formed. Depending on how an individual constructs his or her identity, sex, relationships, marriage, children, self-fulfillment, and society will all have a value, which is informed by the effects of modernity on the individual’s sense of identity. Giddens notes that in post-traditional societies, the self is more than social interactions: the self represents a psychological construct develop to produce psychological security for the individual in the face of declining traditional social structures. In a risk society, the old world customs and institutions (such as the family and marriage) have been deconstructed and the idea of the autonomous, independent, self-serving self has been elevated. In this sense, self-identity is reflexive and is constantly monitoring the highly fluid and dynamic society in which it finds itself. The self realizes that the current trends in social practice will determine future life outcomes; the self sees that with divorce rates rising and marriage rates falling, the expectation of the self to marry another is reduced: there is less social pressure to do so. As a result of this constant self-monitoring of relationships, the aspirations of the self with respect to intimacy alter and transform: the self indulges in self-help literature to try to understand the point or aim of intimacy, seeking answers to questions, such as, “Is intimacy supposed to satisfy a desire within me?” or, “Is there another purpose to intimacy than what I am gleaning from my self-monitoring of society and shifting cultural values?” Giddens (1992) provides the example of the “rule book, drawn up in a self-help manual aimed at helping women to develop more satisfying heterosexual relationships” as an indicator of the problematic approaches to intimacy that the safe faces in the modern era (p. 192). Through this process of self-monitoring, a variety...
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