However, when Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, the Chinese government abolished the legislature that the British had established, and created their own provisional legislature. Yet China allowed, in 1998, for the election of prodemocracy parties, and again in 2000 (Lagasse, et al., "Hong Kong").
However, China still states that the treaties which created Hong Kong were signed under coercion by both British and Western influence, and thus, do not have to be honored. Although China appears willing to allow for Hong Kong to be autonomous for 50 years, they do not appear to want to extend that right beyond the 2047 period. As long as Hong Kong is a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, China will handle, at minimum, the foreign and defense of the area. It is unclear, however, how the socialist government of China will be introduced into this autonomous area, when the time comes (Lagasse, et al., "Hong Kong").
It is precisely this reunification plan between Hong Kong and China which includes "One Country, Two Systems" that Taiwan has been fighting against. The Hong Kong reunification includes China's assurances that they can continue to use their own currency, maintain their status as a separate customs territory, continue to maintain their government structure, and continue to provide their own armed forces. This same offer was given to the people of Taiwan in 2001, in a continued effort to reunify (Blatt, B7).
The offer from China contained even more provisions, as well. China assured that all public monies of Taiwan would remain on the Taiwan island, and that Beijing would assure private property rights. Even further, China would give Taiwan full power and authority over their political appointments. Additionally, the Chinese representatives did not rule out force to reunify Taiwan with mainland China (Blatt, B7).
Chen, the representative of Taiwan, flatly refused. Mr. Chen stated, "It's as if one day, your neighbor suddenly runs into your house and sordidly declares, 'I want to take over your house. But I can permit you to live here and continue to use some of the furniture'," (Blatt, B7). Chen continued to say that unification held nothing for the Taiwanese, since all the concessions China was willing to give were already in place with the existing system. (Blatt, B7).
Chen continued to refute the efforts of China to treat Taiwan as Hong Kong, pointing out the main differences between Taiwan and Hong Kong. Taiwan has the ability and right, currently, to elect their own president. Hong Kong, however, must have an imperial order from the government of Beijing to appoint a chief executer, and the government of Beijing can dismiss the chief executive at any given time (Blatt, B7).
There are other considerations as well when examining the Hong Kong reunification ideas and the current state of Taiwan. The OCTS system contains in its provisions the ability for continuation of neo-colonialism on Chinese soil for 50 years in Hong Kong, under Chinese sovereignty. However, according to the Taiwanese, this policy cannot apply to them, since their foundation is based in capitalism, not colonialism (Liu, A02).
The fundamental problem with this is that Taiwan and China have economic dependence on one another than results in an almost impossible impasse. Taiwan firms in mainland China export almost 40% of China's total exports each year. Additionally, large investors in mainland China's economy are Taiwanese companies. Conversely, over 250,000 Taiwanese people live in Shanghai in connection with business operations, and another 750,000 are spread throughout China. Tourism from China is a large part of the Taiwanese economy, as well. If the two areas were to stop ties altogether, both economies would be in a crisis (Keliher, J24).
Hong Kong, however, is not completely ready to reunify with China, according to recent elections and demonstrations. In 2003,...
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