¶ … Helplessness and Depression
The concept of learned helplessness is most strongly identified with psychologist Martin Seligman. Early animal experimentation by Seligman and colleagues defined the phenomenon of learned helplessness (Overmier & Seligman, 1967). The concept of learned helplessness describes the phenomenon that occurs when an animal or person observes or experiences traumatic events that they can exert little influence or control over. When the animal or person discovers that it can do nothing to escape or affect such an event it may acquire learned helplessness and not attempt to even try to remove itself from potentially harmful situations. In behavioral terms the organism learns that reinforcement and behavior are not contingent on one another (Seligman, 1976). The organism essentially becomes conditioned to form a belief that nothing it can do can affect the situation and it simply "gives up."
The original learned helplessness experiments had dogs learning through classical conditioning to jump over a barrier when a tone was presented to them. This was achieved by presenting the tone (the conditioned stimulus) and then exposing the dogs to an intense but physically harmless electrical shock (the unconditioned stimulus). Dogs quickly learn to jump over the barrier when the tome is presented in this paradigm (Overmier & Seligman, 1967).
In the second phase of the experiment a dog was placed in a restraining device so it could not move and then given the series of shocks. When the second dog was put into the same conditions as the first (allowed to jump over a barrier to escape the shock) it never learned to cross the barrier to avoid this shock and instead lay passively crying until the tone in shock ended. This learned helplessness affect has been demonstrated in other animals such as rats (Seligman & Beekley, 1975) and even human beings (Hiroto & Seligman, 1975).
While the majority of initial research regarding learned helplessness was performed with animals as the subjects, later research demonstrated that the learned helplessness paradigm does indeed apply to humans under some specific circumstances. One aspect of learned helplessness that does not appear to occur in animals is the process of acquiring learned helplessness through vicarious learning (e.g., Bandura, 1986).
There are some other differences in the animal models of learned helplessness and models developed using human participants. Due to ethical concerns electoral shocks cannot be used so early research on learned helplessness in humans used the ability to be able to escape or avoid a loud noise as the noxious event. Participants were given solvable or unsolvable problems to work on and then were exposed to a loud annoying noise. The participants that were given the series of unsolvable problems did not learn to escape the loud noise, thus demonstrating learned helplessness in humans. Other research has also been able to induce learned helplessness in human participants with different types of traumatic or distressing events (e.g., Glass & Singer, 1972; Miller & Seligman, 1976).
Seligman and colleagues have suggested that there are three components to learned helplessness that include an emotional disruption due to the belief that one has no control over unpleasant events, reduced motivation such that the organism becomes passive and gives up, and a cognitive deficit that disrupts the organism's capacity to make a connection between response and reinforcement in similar situations where control may be possible (Seligman, 1976).
Seligman's original idea was that the theory of learned helplessness was one explanation for how depression occurs in individuals. In this model clinical depression represents a type of learned helplessness and is triggered by experiencing severe traumatic -- type events that one's best efforts cannot control or ward off. This leads to the person feeling powerless, hopeless, and depressed (Seligman, 1976). Research has supported this notion. For example, Miller and Seligman (1975) had groups of nondepressed and mildly depressed students perform a series of tasks. One task involved skill and the other task involved chance factors. Prior to performing each task the students were asked to rate their expectation of being successful on the task. On the task that required skill, the nondepressed students adjusted their expectations depending on whether they had succeeded or failed on the preceding problem, whereas on the chance task their expectations showed very little variation. The depressed students also showed little change in expectations during the chance tasks; however, they showed the same pattern of no change in expectations on the skill task. In addition, a group of nondepressed students who had been subjected to an inescapable noxious stimulus situation before performing the skill task behaved like the depressed students demonstrating little variation...
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