"Perhaps all of this had nothing to do with the 1927 flood," he writes. "Or perhaps it did." How can he possibly question the facts presented in his own narrative? Clearly, the levies that are supposed to keep the Mississippi River out of New Orleans, and the river's busy port, which is supposed to be one of the most powerful economic engines for New Orleans, are not providing the sustaining support each is supposed to provide.
Barry mentions that because of Hoover's relationship with Moton (albeit Hoover used Moton to gain political support) Moton had access to the White House, "...more than any black man other than a servant had ever had." So the flood made interesting political "bedfellows" because Barry goes on to assert that though Hoover gave Moton "repeated promises" of help and of land resettlement actions, Hoover did "little for blacks" in his administration. There is nothing original or revolutionary in Hoover saying one thing and doing another (politicians are known for promising things they can't deliver) but by inviting Moton into the White House, Barry writes, as a direct response to the flood and its politics, this was news.
It cannot be overlooked that the 1927 flood actually gave huge powers to the Army Corps of Engineers, and it also presented engineers with "a legacy of new problems that engineers must deal with today" (Barry 422). Of course Barry's book was published in 1997, and so while he couldn't have predicted the Katrina disaster, he suggests cultural and social trouble ahead when he writes (422) that the flood "penetrated to the core of the nation, washed away surface, and revealed the nation's character." The flood then tested that character "and changed it."
Importantly, in the social aftermath of the flood, a whole population shift took place, which meant that geographically African-Americans were moving north, away from the troubles they experienced (in racial and social terms) in Mississippi and Louisiana. Barry writes that the flood "...shattered the myth of a quasi-feudal bond between Delta blacks and the southern aristocracy." What he means by that is blacks could no...
These short-term agreements should be among contingency plans drawn up before a flood arrives, although it would not always be possible to predict the dimensions of floods and the resourcefulness and responses of individuals facing the emergency. The proper approach would be a mingling of a lot of intergovernmental planning and voluntary agreements among city, county and State governments and federal agencies (Wahl). The widespread human and material distress, caused
According to many historians, that relief effort was instrumental in propelling Hoover into the national spotlight and eventually helped him win the 1929 presidential election. The Mississippi Flood as the Cause of Racial Tension Approximately 650,000 people were directly affected by the Mississippi Flood of 1927, having to relocate because their homes, property, and entire communities were completely destroyed by the flood. Almost half of them were housed in relief camps
For example, the soil in the Loess Plateau area is notoriously erodable and it is difficult to revegetate the steep slopes with a sufficiently dense cover of plantation and grass. Moreover, rainfall in the area is generally insufficient to support the growth of trees and plants even after their plantation; grazing by animals worsens the situation. Silt retention dams and structures in the silt-carrying gullies and valleys have proven
New Orleans Flood Control System Analysis Dr. Maribel Mojica Howell This paper will look into the cost and benefit analysis of the New Orleans Flood Control System. The origin of the flood protection system and its mode of operation will also be discussed. Finally, we will evaluate the expenses of running the system as well as the valuation of expected returns in case of a subsequent calamity. The engineers faced with the task
Folkman, MI. California Engineer Sees Fears About New Orleans Levee system Come True, 2005 The author writes about the thoughts and experiences of Robert Bea, civil engineer at the University of California in Berkeley on the recent killer hurricane in New Orleans. Bea studied the city's levee system since 1954 when began working for the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, He discovered that it was not high enough and that parts
(Keen-Zebert, 2007) IV. Upper Guadalupe River Bar Types include: (1) Mid-channel; (2) Scroll; (30 Convex; and (5) Point. (Keen-Zebert, 2007) Bar types group together spatially in the Upper Guadalupe River. The fluvial landscape of the Upper Guadalupe river is one that is stated to be likely the result of "regional geologic structural controls, large fluctuations in discharge and sediment supply, and the geochemical and mechanical process operating on the channel bed." (Keen-Zebert, 2007) There
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