George W. Bush's Arms Control Policies Following the end of the Cold War, the United States found itself the sole remaining superpower with an arms control policy geared largely towards winning a race that was already over. George W. Bush's arms control policies were an attempt to make a clean break from the past, reasserting and verifying American military power and projection through a new set of policies designed to maintain the United States hard fought opportunity to remain the world's single superpower. Bush's policies can be understood largely in the terms of attitude and an event. Namely, the neo-conservative attitude primed Bush to respond precisely the way he did to the attacks on September 11th, such that the entirety of his arms control and national security strategy can be seen as a response to that event, filtered through the ideological framework of neo-conservatism. By parsing the Bush administration's nuclear arms control policies in the context of neo-conservatism's rise and terrorism surpassing all others as the preeminently perceived threat, it becomes clear that neo-conservatism, and Bush in particular, ultimately failed to achieve the ostensible goals of its policies essentially do to a commitment to ideology over political reality.

Before examining Bush's commitment to neo-conservatism and how this colored his administration's response to 9/11, it will be worthwhile to examine the state of arms control and international relations following the Cold War as a means of contextualizing the arms control and non-proliferation policies and decision's which would characterize the Bush administration's response to the challenges faced by the United States in a newly unipolar world. As mentioned in the introduction, "the bipolar competition of the Cold War provided the overarching security motif within which debates over nuclear policy took place," such that the United States' arms control policies focused largely on the deterrence of a nuclear equal

. With the fall of the Soviet Union, the old arguments and ideas surrounding arms control became largely irrelevant, but it took nearly a decade for the first fundamental rethinking of how the environment had changed. Although "certain unilateral U.S. actions, such as the removal of tactical nuclear weapons from overseas and surface ship deployments, were direct responses to these changed circumstances," it was not until 2002, when the Bush administration published its Nuclear Posture Review, that the United States had a clearly delineated position for how to deal with the question of arms control and non-proliferation in the post-Cold War world, and by that time the attacks of September 11th, coupled with the neo-conservative plans for the world which had been fermenting over the previous decade, had led the United States towards a disastrous and reactionary policy

This "gap" between the fall of the Soviet Union and the implementation of Bush's strategies is important to note, because it allowed Bush the room to implement a fairly radical reimagining of U.S. national security, implementing ideas which had been around for some time but which previously could never have seen the light of day in the context of Cold War thinking. The context of this ideological vacuum and the attacks on September 11th gave the Bush administration the perfect opportunity to deploy the neo-conservative platform, which retains many previous aspects related to the diversification of the nuclear arsenal while completely abandoning deterrence "as the central justification for U.S. nuclear armament

." It is nearly impossible to consider the underlying reasons for this shift without dealing with the attacks of September of 11th and the effect that had on the national discourse, because in many ways the neo-conservative military plan was legitimized and made to seem natural in the wake of these attacks. Thus, before examining Bush's arms control work after 9/11, one must be careful to realize that the attacks merely provided the justification by which preexisting neo-conservative policies were given the chance to be implemented on a massive scale.

The core of the Bush administration's arms control policy was laid out in three documents from 2002: the Nuclear Posture Review, National Security Strategy, and National Strategy to Combat Weapons of Mass Destruction. The 2002 Nuclear Posture Review, the first since 1994, "pursued more radical thinking about the future of nuclear weapons and their use in U.S. military policy" than any previous policy statement, arguing as it did for a much more relaxed standard governing the use of nuclear weapons and from a position that did not necessarily view nuclear disarmament as an end goal, no matter how far off or ephemeral

. The National Security Strategy and the National Strategy to Combat Weapons of Mass Destruction followed suit, to the point that "the concordance of the language among all...

This was only the public declaration of what was already abundantly clear within the administration, considering that the vice president, along with all of the top political appointments, were very nearly the founders of the neo-conservative movement, having finally reached a position of comfortable authority after years of gradually pushing the Republican party, and the country as a whole, rightward. The Bush administration "subjected a range of arms control processes to an unaccustomed level of critical scrutiny," creating "discontinuities in arms control policy" as a result of different treatment for different regimes, depending on how useful they were deemed to be in the War on Terror
. The "with us or against us" ideology allowed the Bush administration to shift from focusing on non-proliferation in general and instead only address those "rogue states" which it claimed represented the greatest threat.

Thus, the Bush administration was staffed almost entirely by people willing and excited to implement a new, expansive military vision for the world that was entirely uninterested in the traditional role of arms control policies, as to the mind of the neo-conservatives in the administration, Reagan-era policies focusing on deterrence and non-proliferation failed to address the perceived threat of nuclear terrorism. By using the September 11th terrorist attacks as a justification for implementing the national security plans and desired arms control realignment already in existence prior to the attacks, the…