This paper will examine variations in gender inequality based on educational levels (and, subsequently, approximately on socioeconomic status) in case of the following three countries: America, Indonesia and the Netherlands, which are characterized by highly disparate female employment, societal welfare and family policies and circumstance. For every country, female hourly pay rates and employment rates for distinct educational levels are compared, besides work hours and employment rates for males with the same educational level. It is broadly hypothesized female employment increases with higher educational qualification; increased employment of qualified females results in improved gender equality in terms of pay, housework and job (Evertsson, England and Reci). How is employment anticipated to differ with educational level among females? The conflicting factors of income and opportunity cost have been put forward by economic theory. Better educated females can earn more. Therefore, for such women, opportunity costs linked to unemployment (i.e., the monetary loss of staying at home) are greater. In economic terms, this is denoted as “price of time” impact; individuals with greater earning capacity forfeit more for remaining unemployed (Evertsson, England and Reci). Consequently, greater employment is anticipated in the highly-educated population cluster. But according to income effect, females with spouses enjoying higher earnings can afford to remain without a job and raise their kids at home. Considering marital homogamy (societal propensity to wed somebody with comparable earning capacity and educational level), the aforementioned two factors interfere and conflict with each other. Well-educated females are normally wed to a man who earns even more; hence, her personal qualification is incentive for her to earn, whereas his income acts as a deterrent. In case of less-qualified females, job-seeking is deterred by their low earning capacity but their spouse’s low earnings persuade them to work. What effect will be dominant remains an empirical issue (Evertsson, England and Reci).

From a sociological standpoint, post-secondary education can promote female employment through providing accessibility to stimulating identity-enhancing jobs and democratic gender philosophies promotion. Bianchi and Cohen reveal that of late, education has had progressive positive impacts on female employment in America; meanwhile, a deterioration of spousal earnings’ adverse impact on female employment has also been witnessed (Evertsson, England and Reci).

Esping-Andersen (1990), addressing the neo-Marxist de-commodification idea, perceives societal welfare policies (offering earnings continuance as protection against joblessness, retirement and disability) to be de-commodification strategies to deal with problematical reliance on capitalists (Esping-Andersen). This classification uses America as the liberal market paradigm characterized by high market reliance and scant assurance of minimum earnings. The Netherlands, meanwhile, has been used as the paradigm for a corporatist political economy.

While outreach and efficacy issues persist, the Indonesian nation has, over time, achieved improvements in important gender inequality spheres, including education, healthcare, support, opportunities and right of speech, laying down requisite gender mainstreaming laws. Nevertheless, a hybrid balance exists: the nation has been successful with its educational gender equality index, baby and child mortality rates, maternal wellbeing and other wellness related outcomes. Further, female employment is continually growing and qualified females enjoy better returns as compared to their male counterparts (Garcia, Greenley and Onraet).

The latter part of the next decade saw a gradual destabilization of the male wage-earner trend within overt policy discussions. Lawmakers began promoting welfare state reforms and perceived child care to be a promoter of economic competitiveness as more females became employed, lowering earnings maintenance payments. The nation streamlined its male wage-earner model into a ‘one-and-a-half-earner’ one which left male time as it was but reformed female time (Lewis and Giullari; Morgan). Steep childcare service fees and substantial tax-cuts for employees having dependents to feed urged females to seek only part-time jobs or remain at home. Roughly six in ten females hold part-time posts, with the share being even greater among females with children (OECD). A majority of childcare services operate part-time with hardly any child attending for 4-5 days weekly (Morgan). Thus, with the continued prioritization of preschoolers’ maternal care, the country has adopted a secondary earner/primary caregiver approach with females’ priority being caregiving; earning holds secondary significance (Misra, Budig and Moller).
But in America, since the 70s, policies remain nearly the same, with the exception of the 1996 welfare reforms. America’s system greatly prefers private home-workplace conflict resolutions. Childcare services are costly and besides certain parental tax subsidies that ensure parents do not bear the full expense, only the poverty-ridden can avail themselves of governmental funds covering childcare services (Morgan). The FLMA (Family and Medical Leave Act) of 1993 allows parents a dozen weeks of leave that is not paid, mandatory only for organizations having over 50 individuals on their payroll. The US endeavors towards an equal universal-breadwinner/chief wage-earner model where both males and females enjoy paid work, with the latter being required to simultaneously raise their children as well. Not many workplace/home policies are on hand for alleviating the work-family conflict. Employment parity policies prohibiting gender discrimination on organizations’ part remain the chief policy approach for successful female employment and income (Misra, Budig and Moller).

In spite of this principal diversity, Indonesia-based interviews and literature on female economic opportunities and difficulties, challenges and opportunities in Indonesia reveal societal expectations of females and associated cultural rules are typically hard to alter. Early marriages (Indonesian females are married, averagely, at twenty-two years of age) and the subsequent early motherhood are key influencers of female employment accessibility and permanency. Marriage, domestic tasks and bringing up children remain the key responsibilities of a majority of females. This is grounded in historical non-religious as well as religious beliefs and principle. The issue lies more in the sort of work suited to females and its potential interference with domestic responsibilities, rather than in whether they ought to seek employment or not. Employment is given secondary status as compared to domestic duties. Consistent with this view, Jusuf Kalla, the country’s Vice President, proposed a work-hour reduction for female employees in the year 2014, to ensure they can return home sooner to tend to their children. Females as well as organizations did not think well of this idea, with the former believing the adoption of such a policy would cause them to lose important career opportunities (Garcia, Greenley and Onraet).

Researchers reveal the presence of children hampers…