Although the privileges and favors given to the Malays were to help bring them to the same economic productivity level as the Chinese, the government policy of discrimination did not appear likely even if the Malays managed to achieve that purpose. The system was seen as staying where it was, that is, in favor of the Malay, the bumiputera, and Islam. The experience of privilege and favor reached the unconscious level of the Malay mentality, whereby they began to believe that the treatment was a birthright, not a condition or encouragement to productivity. They were quite smug in the awareness that this subsidy or privileged position was directly linked to or caused by their "inherent" or traditional political dominance.
To compound the Chinese's travails, the Malay and the government's share in the economy was projected to increase, further decreasing Chinese political or economic leverage or grounds to acquiring government concessions. This already immensely disadvantaged ethnic minority was also predicted to diminish in population from 22 to 5% in the next decades. Largely urban Chinese tended to have fewer children due to the effects of industrialization and immigration from Indonesia and Southern Philippines. Immigrants from these foreign countries were themselves ethnic Malays and Muslims. Gleaning from the earlier and recent developments, the minority rights of Malaysian Chinese at present and in the foreseeable future are deemed unlikely and not visible.
The Indians were another ethnic minority that had much trouble with the Malays. One of the skirmishes between them occurred in the first week of March, 2000 in a village at the edge of Kuala Lumpur and killed 5 Indians and 1 Indonesian. A Malay family wedding coincided with an Indian funeral and led to a quarrel and a series of other clashes. Police apprehended around 200 persons and charged 75 with various offenses. Expectedly, the ruling party accused the minorities of taking advantage of the situation by putting the capital in bad light through this incident. Opposing parties contended, instead, that the turbulence simply exposed its true cause, which was the poor living conditions of the villages due, in turn, to racial differences and discrimination. The last recorded major conflict between the Malay Muslims and the Indians was in 1998 involving the relocation of a Hindu shrine in Penang. These contentions may seem isolated and affected only a small area, but the tensions remained and something that the political leaders of the Malaysian Indian community should adequately address. These poor Indian communities were isolated and left out of the stream of progress but exploited for political ends. These clashes, though few, brought attention to the sore and sordid conditions of this third largest ethnic group in the peninsula, referred to by the Malaysian government as those belonging to the Indian sub-continent, inhabited by the Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Sri Lankans.
The Malaysian Indians comprise 8% of the total population of 22 million, but they own only 1% of the peninsula's natural wealth. The country's labor force was also once dominated by this ethnic population, but the ingress of Indonesian laborers began to displace the Malaysian Indians. Some critics blamed the Indians themselves for their plight, to some extent. When Malaysia became independent in 1957, it offered citizenship but perhaps because of ignorance and the poverty that characterized the plantations, many of these Malaysian Indians failed to take that offer of advantage that could have allowed them to acquire or keep jobs. More than half of their population worked in plantations or as hired hands or menial laborers in the cities. They ranked lowest in school exams and highest among drop-outs. Moreover, probably because of steep poverty, delinquency and drug trafficking were prevalent in Indian communities. Asiaweek (2001 as qtd in Kuppuswamy) reported that 63% of emergency arrests for violent crimes, 41% of beggars and 20% of child abusers in the country were Indians.
The Malaysian Indians, unlike the Malaysian Chinese, did not value education or consider it an investment. Tamil schools did not provide an opportunity to higher education for them and these Indians' insistence for a Tamil education further disadvantaged them by pushing them into a hopeless competition with the Malays and the Chinese. Urban Indian families, who were better-off economically and realized the situation, sent their children to universities abroad, instead.
The better educated and more vocal Indians blamed the Malaysian Indian Congress or MIC for neglecting the conditions of the Indians. The MIC was the leading political party of the Indians and the only one representing their...
After a series of uprisings, the people of Malaysia, non-Malays, Malays, the Chinese and others, all agreed to develop a country that was multicultural, especially in modern times when globalization is a topic of high-priority among many people's of the world (Brunnel, 2004). Brunnel (2004) is one of many researchers that notes that growing interest in nations that are ethically diverse has caused many of the leaders in Malaysia
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