Accusing both of possessing communist sympathies and of allowing themselves to become tools of leftist propaganda, a staunch Reagan ally, Ambassador Rivas from El Salvador, argues that "'serious efforts' were being made to stem armed forces abuses and that this was the 'type of story that leads us to believe there is a plan' to discredit the ongoing electoral process in El Salvador, and to discredit the armed forces 'or to take credit away from the certification President Reagan must make to Congress." (Danner, 188)
The claims here are unwittingly revealing in retrospect, tying the degree to which the massacre at El Mozote had discrediting the American cause in El Salvador with the concern now experienced by the Reagan Administration at gaining the necessary Congressional support to continue its war. The result would be a massive cover-up on the part of the Reagan Administration, which would never officially acknowledge the occurrence of any massacre at El Mozote. This would be fully consistent with its treatment of the conflict in El Salvador as a whole, which would support a brutal military dictatorship strictly in the tangible interest of preventing the spread of Soviet interests.
To the complicity of the U.S., "the human rights group Americas Watch noted in 1984 that 'thousands of noncombatants are being killed in indiscriminate attacks by bombardments in the air, shelling, and ground sweeps. Thousands more are being wounded. As best we can determine, these...
(MACV Dir 381-41) This document is one of the first confidential memorandums associated with the Phoenix Program, which details in 1967 the mostly U.S. involvement in counterinsurgency intelligence and activities and discusses the future training and development of South Vietnam forces to serve the same function, that had been supported by the U.S. In civilian (mostly CIA) and military roles. The document stresses that the U.S. role is to
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