Interventionism
Libya
In the spring of 2011 -- the Arab Spring -- I was living in Cyprus. From the deck outside of my bedroom I looked out over the Mediterranean, where the sun was setting, towards the north coast of Africa. Across that water, in Libya, civil war was breaking out. A Libyan fighter pilot flew across the water to Malta, asking for asylum (Hooper & Black, 2011). Libya's leader, Muammar Qadafi, had ordered the pilots to attack protestors in the country, many foreign diplomats resigned, and things only got worse from there.
The international community has long struggled to lay out clear rules for humanitarian intervention. In the 1990s, when humanitarian intervention was utilized on multiple occasions by the international community, civil war was the cause on a few occasions. One such occasion was during the Rwandan genocide. The UN's response during that time, with peacekeepers, no end of bureaucratic bungling, and other issues, was fairly weak, did not stop the slaughter, and became a black mark for the UN because the international community was seen as failing. Humanitarian intervention, in principle, does not imply the use of force, but rather to enter a sovereign state to restore order and begin the rebuilding process.
Later in the same decade, Kosovo became another test for the doctrine of humanitarian intervention. The preconditions for intervention were present -- crimes against humanity and apparently intractable conflict -- but in that case the international community was divided. In particular, the UN Security Council could not reach agreement on intervention, because Russia was a strong supporter of Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic. Henkin (1999) points out that the doctrine as humanitarian intervention, as written in law, under Article 2 (4) of the UN Charter, "prohibits the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state" (p.824).
Kosovo represents a critical case study because with the UN unable to intervene because of Russia's veto power, NATO unilaterally entered into conflict with Serbia over Kosovo. This was an unprecedented action. In Rwanda, the UN failed to prevent genocide, and that sting on the international community loomed large in Kosovo, where genocide was also occurring. But there were significant political dimensions to Kosovo as well -- Milosevic was supported by Russia, and reviled in the West. The fall of Yugoslavia had been bloody, and the West saw this conflict as an opportunity to expand its sphere of influence, not just in Europe but in the Muslim world, as Kosovars are Muslim ethnic Albanians.
Libya represented a similar situation to Kosovo in some respects, and Syria also draws certain corollaries as well. A key similarity was that the ruler, Qadafi, had clearly authorized the use of military force on civilian protestors. In this case, they were not an ethnic minority -- everybody involved was Arab -- but they were the voice of dissent in a country that had existed under dictatorship for decades. The use of force internally is not by any means unknown in the world, and as such Kosovo presents a fairly flimsy precedent for military action. Doubtless this was one of the reasons why there was no consensus in the international community with respect to action against Libya. For their part, Russia and China specifically opposed intervention. Russia had on several occasions fought battles against its own insurgents, especially in Chechnya. China, having invaded Tibet and brutally repressed those people, surely did not want to set the precedent that the concept of humanitarian intervention could be invoked to defend an oppressed group.
Without the support of the international community, NATO did as it had in Kosovo and acted unilaterally to intervene militarily in Libya (Meo, 2011). As in Kosovo, NATO saw in the Arab Spring an opportunity to extend its sphere of influence, in particular in the Arab world. NATO intervention was only really considered in nations that were traditionally antagonistic towards the West -- Libya and Syria in particular -- while more Western-friendly countries with similar uprisings were never subject to the same sabre-rattling (i.e. Bahrain, Tunisia, Egypt). Qadafi had made more than his share of enemies over the years, especially in the West, but also within the Arab League. As such, Qadafi was particularly vulnerable to NATO intervention, because the Arab League had little interest in standing up for Libya's sovereignty. The West saw an opportunity not only to depose an enemy and increase its sphere of influence in the region, but also to gain access to oil that...
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