Norberg ascribes and attributes the swift adoption of globalization to the freedom of decision-making, whereby it has enabled individuals and economic freedom as the precedence for political freedom (2003). He writes:
In the long run, it is hard for dictatorships, once they have accepted economic freedom, to avoid introducing political liberty as well (p 269)."
He zeroes in on the relationship between freedom of all kinds and globalization as his overall and primary defense of global capitalism and globalization. He views global free markets as the best culture and path for individual freedom of choice that has spurred him since student days as an acknowledged anarchist who shock fellow anarchists with his analytical abilities. The focus, therefore, should be on bringing this freedom to peoples who have not experienced it before and they are those in developing countries and not in Western countries. Norberg expresses delight that global capitalism has removed constraints and that people who experience and use this freedom are no longer subject to the decisions of the national elites, who include local monopolies, local authorities, and politicians. Globalization fosters competition among local powers or bypasses these local powers, in the process, affords people more freedom to make choices, such as what things to import, what cultural influences to adopt, places to travel to, and people to meet.
Norberg also calls attention to the rights that women have gained from globalization (2003). These rights, traditionally enjoyed only by men, include acquiring a business, attaining an education and inheriting money. In a globalized economy such as ours today, women, who constitute half of the world population, are a vast potential resource. They can now develop, contribute and work on their own ideas, create products and get employment. Discrimination means disadvantaging that other half of the world's population and a society or employer loses immense opportunities. There are ongoing discussions in Saudi Arabia on allowing women to drive and the expense in hiring drivers from other countries just to drive women around. Allowing them to drive does not seem a likely or immediate probability, but merely discussing the matter indicates the behavior of basic economics and basic capitalism are in the direction of endowing women more rights.
Norberg sets forth the second reason for defending globalization as a good thing. New goods, new ideas and more people who cross national borders allow them to observe other countries' ways of living and discover more alternatives for themselves (2003). Women and other oppressed people who visit or go to other countries get to observe how their counterparts are treated in the West and develop new aspirations and ideas on how they want to be treated in their home countries. Globalization allows all kinds of new ideas and behaviors to cross and develop because traditional and national boundaries are relaxed. Communist-run Vietnam was one case Norberg used to demonstrate this. In the mid-80s, the people were starving. Its government looked out for a model and saw Taiwan and its success at globalizing. When Vietnam chose to globalize, the Vietnamese began to price land and open their market to investments and trade. Agriculture quickly picked up and went on to progress, until it became one of the world's largest rice exporters. In addition, foreign investments and factors poured in and gave the Vietnamese new opportunities and new resources, raising their standard of living.
Norberg remains optimistic that freedom will prevail through setbacks, such as protectionist trends and trade negotiation failures (2003). He is confident that individuals who have experienced freedom will not easily or finally be stifled by these dissenting developments and reactions, but will come together to improve their existence in this world they live in. They will insist on that freedom and on democracy, which are the aim of politics itself (Norberg p 291).
Jagdish Bhagwati (2004) contributes his own view in support of globalization in his own similarly-entitled book, "In Defense of Globalization." He expressed as much moral outrage as do Norberg and anti-globalization advocates without being complacent...
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