¶ … Cup
This past autumn FIFA, soccer's world-governing body, announced that the 2022 World Cup would be held in the Persian Gulf oil state of Qatar. The United States had bid on this event and many believed the country had a good chance of winning (Leonard, 2010). The U.S. last held the World Cup in 1994. The success of that event, in which 3.58 million tickets were sold, spawned the return of a major soccer league to the U.S. And has renewed -- albeit slowly -- interest in the sport in the world's largest consumer market. The Qatar decision left U.S. Soccer, which came in second in the voting, disappointed and searching for a new strategy to build interest in the beautiful game in the domestic market. In addition to building the game in the U.S., the return of the World Cup to American soil would bring with it a host of economic and social opportunities. The World Cup also carries with it downsides, however. Certainly the prospect of air-conditioned outdoor stadiums -- temporary ones -- in Qatar smacks of environmental catastrophe but there would be challenges in the U.S. As well. This paper will discuss the benefits and drawbacks of bringing the World Cup to the United States again, using a variety of sources to analyze the potential issues involved.
Economic Considerations
The World Cup format typically involves multiple cities within a nation hosting dozens of soccer games over the period of one month. This creates significant tourism revenue, but there are high levels of costs associated with the World Cup. It should be noted that the country is a factor that should be considered. A substantial portion of the World Cup's benefit comes from the prolonged exposure that the host nation and host cities get from the rest of the world. It is reasonable to think that the benefit of this exposure is going to be diminished in a heavily-exposed country like the United States, relative to some of the smaller countries that have hosted the tournament. Baade and Matheson (2004) noted that the costs of hosting the 1994 World Cup were anywhere between $5.5 and $9.3 billion which the gains were touted around $4 billion by the event's proponents. The United States already had a high level of exposure so stood to gain less than other nations would, given the same exposure.
The exposure for smaller countries does have value, and the effects are both long-lived and widely spread across the economy. As early as 2007, South Africa's real estate market was experiencing a boom related to the World Cup. Property developers seized on the opportunity to leverage the publicity and create new housing and vacation rentals, and the much of this money came in the form of foreign direct investment (PropertyWire, 2008). South Korea saw fewer tourists than expected as the World Cup effectively reduced intra-Asia tourism to the country during the World Cup period, which is otherwise a prime time to visit the country (Dwinger, 2010). Arguably, however, the United States with its substantial capacity to absorb tourists would merely see non-soccer tourists diverted to non-soccer areas of the country during the Cup.
However, it is just as reasonable to assume that there will be some offset of soccer and non-soccer tourists in the event of a World Cup. It is also worth noting that in the United States, the stadium infrastructure is already in place. No new stadiums would be built for the World Cup, meaning that there would be only limited construction industry impact on the decision to host the World Cup. This was one of the major sources of short-term economic boom for the South African bid (Dwinger, 2010). With only moderate short-term gains from the World Cup, the economic benefit of hosting in the World Cup in the U.S. rests primarily on the long-run benefits. Hagn and Mannig (2007) noted that the 1974 World Cup in West Germany did not "generate any short to long-term employment effects there were significantly different from zero." This could potentially imply that a heavily-exposed country stands little to gain from the World Cup, especially in comparison with South Korea, South Africa, Qatar or other smaller nation hosts.
Studying the 2006 World Cup, also in Germany, Mannig and Du Plessis (2007) argue that not only does the German experience in 2006 show that very little long-run economic benefits are accrued, but that this finding is consistent with other major sporting events, which also are "rarely identified with significant net economic benefits." Indeed, if this is the case in Germany, it is reasonable to assert that perhaps the United...
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