Finally, three reports took on a narrower focus in investigating boot camps: Clark and Kellam (2001); Mueller (1996); and Souryal, Layton & MacKenzie (1994).
Burns and Vito (1995) examined the effectiveness of Alabama boot camps. In Alabama, overcrowded prisons brought on interest at the state level for prison boot camps. State prison boot camps incorporated marching, discipline, physical training, work, classes, and drug and alcohol abuse treatment in three phases. In the first phase, inmates confront their crime and take responsibility for it, ridding themselves of excuses. In the second phase, inmates focus on "self-discovery" by learning about themselves, goal planning, and improving themselves for future release. In the third phase, pre-release, inmates focus on problem solving as the key to their own future success as a lawful citizen upon release. Entry and participation were voluntary once inmates were found to be eligible. Burns and Vito (1995) report that 25% of boot camp participants leave the program, returning to a normal length sentence in a regular prison.
The administrative goals of the Alabama program were: rehabilitating prisoners, breaking the cycle of crime and recidivism, and reducing prison costs through early release and lower recidivism. Critics were concerned about "net widening." Additionally, skepticism existed over whether such programs actually save the state correctional system money (Burns & Vito, 1995).
This study found that "net widening" was not a problem in Alabama state programs. Researchers also found that there was not a significant difference in recidivism between boot camp graduates, individuals released on probation, and individuals who served regular sentences. In other words, the boot camp program did not effectively reduce recidivism in participants. However the early release program did lower inmate crowding and save the state money. Burns and Vito (1995) estimate that $779,229 to $1,676,880 was saved through the use of boot camps when comparing the cost of actual prisoner maintenance.
Christenberry, Burns and Dickinson (1994) specifically investigated the successfulness of educational components in Arkansas state-run boot camp programs for the year of 1992. Inmates entered and left the boot camp voluntarily if they were eligible, and came from a wide range of offences, races, ages, and education. The goals of the program were to reduce recidivism by providing life skills and tools for living lawfully once released. Focuses included confidence, personal responsibility, respect for others, and education. Education components were mandatory and consisted of peer tutoring or independent work. Researchers concluded that educational components were responsible for advances in arithmetic, reading, and spelling for all inmates. On average, inmates gained one and a half years of grade level achievement in arithmetic and reading over their 105 days in the program. Spelling was improved by one year grade level on average during the same period. Significantly, black inmates had more substantial gains in reading than other groups. Researchers concluded that educational goals within the Arkansas boot camp programs were successful.
Clark, Aziz and MacKenzie (1994) studied the effectiveness of New York state's shock incarceration camps. At the time of the study, New York had the largest number of inmates in boot camps, as well as the largest number of female boot camp participants. The camps worked under two legislatively mandated goals. First, the camps must treat and release selected inmates of earlier than they would normally be released by their original court-mandated minimum period of jail time. This must be done without endangering the safety of the public. Second, shock incarceration camps must reduce the need for prison bedspace. To avoid net-widening, judges cannot sentence offenders directly to shock incarceration camps. Entry and exit are voluntary if requirements are met. To ensure public safety, focus within NY shock incarceration camps is on treatment. As such, NY's program has an extensive internal and aftercare program. Both offer drug and alcohol treatment, relapse prevention, family counseling, job training and placement, and support. The after care program, dubbed "After Shock," provides support services for released individuals to ease re-assimilation into society. Focus in on personal responsibility, responsibility for actions taken, and for your own quality of life (Clark, Aziz & MacKenzie, 1994).
Researchers established that the New York camps reduced care and custody costs by shortening terms of confinement. Clark, Aziz and MacKenzie (1994) estimated a savings of $2 million for every 100 camp graduates. Like Christenberry, Burns and Dickinson (1994), they also found that graduates increased reading and math skills by more than one grade level over their camp stay (Clark, Aziz & MacKenzie, 1994). Additionally, researchers observed the rare result of reduced...
In other circumstances, the offender should be directed towards more traditional means of punishment. Conclusion Split sentencing has been part of the criminal justice system since the beginning of incarceration programs, and shock probation programs, a form of split sentencing, have been in use for more than 50 years. There is significant debate about the efficacy of these programs, because some so-called shock probation programs are linked to high rates of
juvenile justice requires evidence-based interventions and corresponding policy. This intervention analysis research is rooted in antisocial potential theory, a subset of cognitive theories of criminality and social behavior. Antisocial potential theory suggests that at-risk populations, in this case youth, exhibit antisocial tendencies and that those tendencies can be mitigated via evidence-based interventions. The following annotated bibliography draws primarily from the disciplines of psychology and sociology, with a goal of
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