Corruption
The relationship between corruption and democracy as a political institution has been at the core of studies and researches for political science since its beginnings. The development made in the filed of Political Science along the years has influenced the way scientists perceived and analyzed the corruption phenomenon. Charles H. Blake nad Stephen D. Morris have gathered under the all embracing title Corruption and Democracy in Latin America, the works of several political analysts who approached the topic enunciated in the title of the book through different methods: theoretical studies or the presentation of illustrative case studies.
The book contains two parts, the first being dedicated to essays on the "Causes and Impacts of Corruption in Latin America," while the second presents case studies that complete the undertakings in the first part, by treating particular cases in particular countries. The editors who sign the introduction and the conclusion, explain their vision on the outline of this book and briefly present a literature review on the subject.
Strom C. Thacker opens the first part of the book with an essay that tackles the evolution and outcome of democracy in relationship with corruption in Latin America from the point-of-view of a data analysis that seeks to place the region in the global context of evolution from the same point-of-view. The author combines the quantitative methodology with the statistical data available for each Latin American country supplied by the World Bank and different sets of variables containing economic indicators. The economic factors and the corruption ratings are considered into the historical context of a country's democracy age.
The conclusion of this study shows that in spite of the general perception that Latin American countries continue to suffer form the high levels of political corruption since the establishment of democratic regimes in most of the countries, they actually fit the global pattern. The levels of political corruption in Latin American countries are as much dependent of the age of their democracies and the economical reforms undertaken since the change in political institutions as they are for the rest of the globe. Thacker ends his study with the example of two of the most successful Latin American countries in the field of corruption control that are maybe not accidentally the countries with the longest democratic history in the region.
Alfred Rehren presents a different view on the outcome and the development of democratic states since the third wave of democratization had swept across Latin America in the 1980s. He combines data related to corruption perception from Transparency International for a period between 1980 and 2005 with transparency measures for electoral campaigns data supplied by Pinto-Duschinsky in 2002 and concludes that the corruption levels do not show indicators of diminishing in the medium and long-term, when tanking into account the available data. Rehren's position related to the future of the Latin American nations in terms of a sound political structure, free of corruption is pessimistic. He emphasizes the importance of an objective, free pres a an effective means of control in the field of corruption, although he points out that in the short run, better conditions for the freedom of the press, such as those in Uruguay, Costa Rica and Chile are not necessary followed by the modified perception of corruption levels in the political structures. He also concludes that the adoption of economic measures and changing such as neoliberal reforms have a downside, too, in recently democratized Latin American countries: they create "propitious grounds for corruption within national political elites" (Rehren, 2009, p.59) for foreign actors interested in economic activities in the respective countries.
The third essay of the first part, by John Bailey goes into a more detailed approach of the notion of corruption and corruption types and it follows its links to the ways democracy is affected. Weak public support for governments and government institution expressed in different ways leads to different types of power exercising from the latter.
Since the contemporary public understanding of the meanings of "democracy" and "corruption" are varying to a certain degree in Latin America, but are relatively similar to those of the American public, for example, Bailey underlines Michael Johnston's suggestion of the necessity to include "perception and opinion" (Bailey, 2009, p. 62) to the definition of the both of the two aforementioned terms. "Perceptions of what constitutes trivial vs. serious corruption vary over time and across groups and strata defined in different ways. These perceptions, in turn, influence attitudes related to regime legitimacy and individual behavior (e.g. voting, obeying the law, and the like)" (Bailey, 2009, p. 63).
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