Coping Through the Use of Informal Institutions during COVID-19 in South Africa, Nigeria, and Swaziland
Chapter 1: Introduction
The global outbreak of COVID-19 raises many concerns regarding how individuals and communities who live in African countries, with fragile health systems, cope with the pandemic. During past pandemics, individuals and communities in Africa have relied on customary practices and traditions, also commonly referred to as informal institutions (Moore, 2020). Informal institutions have continued to function in rural and poverty-stricken areas of Africa in response to a lack of adequate support from formal governing bodies and are primarily used at the community level (Azevedo, 2017). Thus, there is a plethora of literature on community participation in informal institutions within African communities; however, no known research has explored the experiences of individuals who use informal institutions to cope during a pandemic. This chapter begins with background information relevant to the topic, followed by a description of the problem and the significance of the study. Next, the conceptual framework, purpose statement, research questions, and rationale for the methodology are presented.
Background of the Study
From 1964 - 2000, nineteen armed conflicts took place in Africa (Sollenberg, 2001). Post-conflict Africa has been characterized by a breakdown in central governance and an increase in Western and international aid in an attempt to implement a democratic society, economic reform, and establish formal governance structures (Ogbaharya, 2008). Formal governance structures, also referred to as formal institutions, are most successful when they are complemented by informal support systems, such as social and customary practices (Ogbaharya, 2008). These practices have become known as informal institutions. Informal institutions are customary practices such as socially shared rules, usually unwritten that are created, communicated, and enforced outside of officially sanctioned channels (North, 1997). In Africa, the marginalized and socially isolated rely heavily on informal institutions to navigate daily life and cope during crises.
During health crises and environmental shocks, local communities in Africa and elsewhere in the developing work turn to their social networks and customary for sustenance and support. For example, due to the longstanding fight against communicable diseases such lung disease and tuberculosis, local communities in African countries have become quite familiar with social distancing and infection control (DW, 2020). They used these experiences to inform how they coped during pandemics. Notwithstanding the establishment of formal government structures in the colonial and post-colonial era, customary practices remain central to multifaceted aspects of rural livelihood in many parts of Africa. Customary authorities continue to command a level of local legitimacy and can elicit significant community participation in times of crisis (Azevedo, 2017). This is evident in the widely recognized term Ubuntu, the word used for humanity and communal life in sub-Saharan Africa.
Ubuntu is an ethical ideology that emphasizes the value of people's relations with, and allegiances towards each other. The Ubuntu principle is excellently manifested in the dictum 'I am because we are, and since we are, therefore, I am' (Fagunwa, 2019). This ideology draws its origins from the southern African Xhosa and Zulu languages, and was accepted as a guiding ideal for the transition to majority rule in South Africa and Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia). The interim Constitution of South Africa emphasizes the need for Ubuntu as opposed to victimization, and reparation as opposed to retaliation as the guiding principles for all South Africans in the transition from apartheid to majority rule.
Ubuntu ties to Africanism in several ways. The first is through local African languages. Etymologically, Ubuntu is an abstract word formed from the combination of the words' ntu' and 'Ubu', the former of which is a common word used to refer to a human being…
Coping Through the Use of Informal Institutions during COVID-19 in South Africa, Nigeria, and Swaziland
Chapter 1: Introduction
The global outbreak of COVID-19 raises many concerns regarding how individuals and communities who live in African countries, with fragile health systems, cope with the pandemic. During past pandemics, individuals and communities in Africa have relied on customary practices and traditions, also commonly referred to as informal institutions (Moore, 2020). Informal institutions have continued to function in rural and poverty-stricken areas of Africa in response to a lack of adequate support from formal governing bodies and are primarily used at the community level (Azevedo, 2017). Thus, there is a plethora of literature on community participation in informal institutions within African communities; however, no known research has explored the experiences of individuals who use informal institutions to cope during a pandemic. This chapter begins with background information relevant to the topic, followed by a description of the problem and the significance of the study. Next, the conceptual framework, purpose statement, research questions, and rationale for the methodology are presented.
Background of the Study
From 1964 - 2000, nineteen armed conflicts took place in Africa (Sollenberg, 2001). Post-conflict Africa has been characterized by a breakdown in central governance and an increase in Western and international aid in an attempt to implement a democratic society, economic reform, and establish formal governance structures (Ogbaharya, 2008). Formal governance structures, also referred to as formal institutions, are most successful when they are complemented by informal support systems, such as social and customary practices (Ogbaharya, 2008). These practices have become known as informal institutions. Informal institutions are customary practices such as socially shared rules, usually unwritten that are created, communicated, and enforced outside of officially sanctioned channels (North, 1997). In Africa, the marginalized and socially isolated rely heavily on informal institutions to navigate daily…
Coping Through the Use of Informal Institutions during COVID-19 in South Africa, Nigeria, and Swaziland
Chapter 1: Introduction
The global outbreak of COVID-19 raises many concerns regarding how individuals and communities who live in African countries, with fragile health systems, cope with the pandemic. During past pandemics, individuals and communities in Africa have relied on customary practices and traditions, also commonly referred to as informal institutions (Moore, 2020). Informal institutions have continued to function in rural and poverty-stricken areas of Africa in response to a lack of adequate support from formal governing bodies and are primarily used at the community level (Azevedo, 2017). Thus, there is a plethora of literature on community participation in informal institutions within African communities; however, no known research has explored the experiences of individuals who use informal institutions to cope during a pandemic. This chapter begins with background information relevant to the topic, followed by a description of the problem and the significance of the study. Next, the conceptual framework, purpose statement, research questions, and rationale for the methodology are presented.
Background of the Study
From 1964 - 2000, nineteen armed conflicts took place in Africa (Sollenberg, 2001). Post-conflict Africa has been characterized by a breakdown in central governance and an increase in Western and international aid in an attempt to implement a democratic society, economic reform, and establish formal governance structures (Ogbaharya, 2008). Formal governance structures, also referred to as formal institutions, are most successful when they are complemented by informal support systems, such as social and customary practices (Ogbaharya, 2008). These practices have become known as informal institutions. Informal institutions are customary practices such as socially shared rules, usually unwritten that are created, communicated, and enforced outside of officially sanctioned channels (North, 1997). In Africa, the marginalized and socially isolated rely heavily on informal institutions to navigate daily life and cope during crises.
During health crises and environmental shocks, local communities in Africa and elsewhere in the developing work turn to their social networks and customary for sustenance and support. For example, due to the longstanding fight against communicable diseases such lung disease and tuberculosis, local communities in African countries have become quite familiar with social distancing and infection control (DW, 2020). They used these experiences to inform how they coped during pandemics. Notwithstanding the establishment of formal government structures in the colonial and post-colonial era, customary practices remain central to multifaceted aspects of rural livelihood in many parts of Africa. Customary authorities continue to command a level of local legitimacy and can elicit significant community participation in times of crisis (Azevedo, 2017). This is evident in the widely recognized term Ubuntu, the word used for humanity and communal life in sub-Saharan Africa.
Ubuntu is an ethical ideology that emphasizes the value of people's relations with, and allegiances towards each other. The Ubuntu principle is excellently manifested in the dictum 'I am because we are, and since we are, therefore, I am' (Fagunwa, 2019). This ideology draws its origins from the southern African Xhosa and Zulu languages, and was accepted as a guiding ideal for the transition to majority rule in South Africa and Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia). The interim Constitution of South Africa emphasizes the need for Ubuntu as opposed to victimization, and reparation as opposed to retaliation as the guiding principles for all South Africans in the transition from apartheid to majority rule.
Ubuntu ties to Africanism in several ways. The first is through local African languages. Etymologically, Ubuntu is an abstract word formed from the combination of the words' ntu' and 'Ubu', the former of which is a common word used to refer to a human being in many Sub-Saharan African countries (Fagunwa, 2019). For instance, the word shares a strong relation with 'Muntu', the word used to refer to a human being among the East African Bantu speaking people; 'bumutu', in Botswana, 'vumuntu' in Mozambique, 'umunthu' in Malawi, and 'gimuntu' in Angola (Fagunwa, 2019). Based on its link to humanism, the Ubuntu concept is largely associated with the art of being human, and using one's existence to contribute to the general welfare of others and the greater community (Fagunwa, 2019).
Besides language, the ethos of Ubuntu is also apparent in the cultures and traditions of most African societies (Fagunwa, 2019). The Oromo society of the modern-day Ethiopia aptly demonstrates this. The community operates a socio-political system of governance referred to as the Gada system, which operates like a democracy (Asmarom, 2001). Leaders are selected based on their popularity and generational grade/group elders, and inclined to pursue sustainable development, intimacy, peace, and security (Fagunwa, 2019). Under this political system, leaders are chosen by the people and nurtured in the value system of unity, humanity, and togetherness such that they always protect the well-being of the people. This makes it impossible for a tyrannical leader to exist in an ideal Ubuntu framework (Fagunwa, 2019).
Tied to the very core of the African society, Ubuntu is a platform that connects Africans together in a value system that emphasizes people's interconnectedness and the need to act morally at all times for the protection of a common humanity. The Ubuntu logo is crafted to represent three individuals holding each other's hands to symbolize togetherness; is concept draws its basis from the African language, traditions, and beliefs, and is thus an expression of the very essence of being African (Fagunwa, 2019). The concept of Ubuntu aids in understanding how community participation empowers and increases the competence of citizens (Brager et al., 1987). By participating in governing of their societies, citizens can exert influence by voicing their opinions on issues and act for the good of the general public (Poovan et al., 2006).
Informal institutions attracted attention from scholars in the 1990s when the concept of social change gained popularity. While the Western world tested many social and community development initiatives, most failed because Western ideologies did not align with traditional informal institutions (Ostrom and Gibson et al., 2009). Nevertheless, since the late 1990s, many global development organizations, including the World Bank, have insisted on local participation to ensure that community and social development initiatives have a higher likelihood of success (Dongier et al. 2003). As a result, stakeholder participation is highly valued to ensure project sustainability; engaging the community not only ensures sustainability, but it can also help with or involve community empowerment and capacity building (Brett, 2003; Brager et al., 1987).
While research highlights the importance of community participation among the African people, little is known about individual-level experiences with informal institutions when coping during a pandemic. Further, much of the literature on this topic relevant to health crises has focused on how informal institutions have worsened health crises, mainly because of the lack of science-based information and the many myths used to explain "western" health issues the initial stages. For example, during the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Africa, many believed that the disease could be transmitted by touch, and many villages were burned in an attempt to eradicate the disease (Chirikure, 2020). Similarly, during the Ebola outbreak in West Africa, the reliance on informal institutions were found to lead to several adverse effects and further spread of the disease; the WHO reported that approximately 60% of Ebola cases in Guinea were attributed to traditional burial practices (WHO, 2014). Reasons for these adverse effects have been attributed to a complex social phenomenon characterized by various religious and cultural beliefs held by the African people (Manguvo & Mafuvadze, 2015). While this research had advanced our knowledge on the negative consequences of primarily relying on informal institutions in Africa, few researchers have studied the benefits of informal institutions to the African people during a health pandemic. This literature gap justifies the need for additional research on individual-level experiences with informal institutions during a pandemic in select African countries (Marsland, 2006; White, 2015; Worden 2012).
Problem Statement and Significance of the Study
In Africa, a high number of deaths due to COVID-19 were expected due to the fragile health system, lack of access to preventive measures, barriers to testing, and potentially vulnerable populations (Schwikowski, 2020). However, sub-Saharan Africa is the least affected region in the world, with 1.5% of the world's reported COVID-19 cases and 0.1% of the world's deaths (WH....... as a result of COVID-19 (Hameed, 2020). The World Bank (2020) estimates that up to 60 million people living in Africa will be pushed into extreme poverty by the end of the year, which presents a multitude of crises across the African continent.
In the past, people living in African countries relied heavily on informal institutions to cope with pandemics (Moore, 2020) despite the availability of support offered by official governing bodies (i.e., formal institutions). While helpful for many, there are often gaps in care provided by formal institutions, particularly with underprivileged populations that are socially isolated and low-income (World Economic Forum, 2020). As a result, many Africans rely on informal institutions such as community groups and faith-based groups to navigate crises. Informal institutions are primarily used as a collective, meaning that communities and groups fill the gaps formal institutions do not. However, collectivism poses challenges due to the need for social distancing to slow or prevent the spread of disease, such as what is required during pandemics. Given that much of the research on informal institutions has focused on group-level participation (collectivism), it would be beneficial to understand the lived experience of coping through the use of informal institutions on an individual-level during the COVID-19 pandemic. Knowledge generated might contribute to the future role of informal institutions during pandemic and inform future health policy in Africa.
This topic is significant to individuals living in rural South Africa, Nigeria, and Swaziland because the COVID-19 pandemic is expected to result in high death rates and economic collapse in Africa, primarily rural Africa. Approximately 60% of the African continent's population resides in rural Africa and depend on informal institutions to cope and survive during crises (Starkey, M., 2015). Because informal institutions remain mostly unchanged in the African social landscape, it is essential to draw attention to those informal institutions that have a positive impact on the African people. While informal institutions should not replace formal government efforts, they are used widely among communities and cultural groups in Africa, primarily in the form of community participation. Given the need to socially distance during the COVID-19 pandemic, it is suspected that these informal institutions will need to be adapted to be used at the individual level. Understanding the individual-level experience of coping through the use of informal institutions during COVID-19 might uncover successful coping mechanisms that can be shared with individuals living in rural Africa, and inform collaborative partnerships between formal governing structures and community leaders. Conceptual Framework
According to Imenda (2014), "the conceptual or theoretical framework is the soul of every research project" (p. 185); it determines how researchers formulate their study problem, purpose, and questions, how they investigate the problem, and what meaning they ascribe to the collected data. Studies that use inductive logic (typically qualitative) construct conceptual frameworks and may use multiple theories to guide inquiry (Imenda, 2014). Regardless of the qualitative approach taken, the conceptual/theoretical framework represents "the system of concepts, assumptions, expectations, beliefs, and theories that supports and informs your research" (Maxwell, 2004, p. 33). It is a visual and or written product that describes how the researcher understands the phenomenon under study.
A conceptual framework was developed to inform this study based on W. Richard Scott's (2004) institutional theory and Robert Wunrthrow's (1975) interpretive theory. Scottt's (2004) institutional theory was chosen because it tends to seek a deeper understanding of social norms, it has an authoritative status, and can be used to determine whether these norms are merely imitation, or used only when necessary. Interpretive theory was chosen to build on the work of Robert Wuthow and his sociological study of culture, exploring the intricate interrelation of alternative approaches to cultural analyses and how it overlaps. Components of each theory were integrated into a conceptual framework to inform the proposed study (Figure 1). This section will describe each theory, primarily focusing on the components of the theory that were used to develop a conceptual framework for this study.
Figure 1.
Conceptual Framework: The Relationship between Components of Scott's (2004) Institutional Theory, Wunthrow's (1987) Interpretive Theory, and an Individual's Response to Crisis
Institutional Theory and Path Dependency
Institutional theory encompasses the processes by which structures, norms, daily life routines, communal and state rules, and individual habits and expectations become enshrined and institutionalized within a populace and serve to act, ultimately, as authoritative guidelines for social behavior (Scott, 2004). Institutional theory provides a suitable sociological lens for interpreting the findings of this study and exploring the experiences of individuals who live in parts of rural Africa and rely on customary authorities, a type of informal institution enforced as norms and networks rather than codified into formal, positive law (Scott, 2004).How individuals restructure and adapt existing informal institutions in times of crisis can also be explained through path dependency, an area of institutional theory (Rose, 1990; Mahoney, 2000; Pierson, 2000).
Institutional theory (Scott, 2004) is rooted in the social sciences, and early research on institutional theory began in the early nineteenth century. It was embedded within the positivism (sociology) and behaviorism (political science) movements (Scott, 2001). Since that time, institutional theory has become widely recognized and researched by social science scholars and organizational management scholars (Scott, 2004). For example, institutional theory has been applied in the study of authority systems (Dornbusch & Scott, 1975) and the effects of technology on classroom and school structure (Cohen et al., 1979). Path dependency and institutional theory have also been applied in the study of how individuals within international health agencies shape an institution's response to changes within and outside the organization (Gomez, 2013). Together, two theories complement each other in that they explain how individuals, as agents within an institution, can shape an institution's acceptance and resistance of change.
Early versions of institutional theory emphasized cultural-cognitive elements (Douglas, 1986; Zucker 1977), regulative elements (North, 1990), and normative elements (Parsons, 1990). The normative element represents the values and norms of a culture or institution and allows for the establishment of individual roles (Scott, 2008). The regulative element represents rule-setting, sanctioning, and monitoring activities of a culture or institution as part of an attempt to influence the future behavior of individuals (Scott, 2008). The cultural-cognitive element represents the "shared conceptions that constitute the nature of social reality and creates the frames through which meaning is made" (Scott, 2008, p. 67).
Scott (2004) focused primarily on the regulative and normative elements of the theory because he did not believe the three elements - cultural-cognitive, normative, and regulative - were always aligned and concluded that certain aspects undermined others. Scott (2004) also believed that during times of < style ='color:#000;text-decoration: underline!important;' id='custom' target='_blank' href='https://www.paperdue.com/topic/conflict-essays'>conflict or change, individual actors within institutions might experience competing rules or schemas, leading to a restructuring of the rules, norms, and beliefs that guide their actions. This belief is echoed in the earlier work of Barley (1986) who studied the response of individuals working in hospitals during the introduction of technology in the healthcare field. Two years later, DiMaggio (1988) purported that an individual's agency, or ability to adapt based on their situation, supported a "bottom-up" view of institutional models. With this view, social scientists began considering how individuals responded in varying ways to outside forces and did not always behave according to institutional beliefs and standards.
Path dependency explains how an individual's cognitive beliefs and prior experiences shape institutions' response to change. An individual's cognitive beliefs can constrain the legitimacy and learning of an institution. Legitimacy of the institution is constrained because people often consider existing approaches to be the most legitimate and therefore favor these approaches over new approaches. In addition, when individuals spend time learning a new approach through experience, and as they acquire more knowledge and experience about an approach, they become resistant to learning new approaches. Furthermore, as time passes, individuals within an institution pass on knowledge to others and new members, which makes it all the more challenging for the institution and the individual's within it to adopt and learn new approaches (Gomez, 2013).
Interpretive Theory
Robert Wunthrow's (1987) interpretive theory will complement institutional theory. Interpretive theory can be traced back to the seminal works of Max Weber (1864-1920). The interpretive approach is a general category of philosophy, including symbolic interactionism, labeling, ethnomethodology, phenomenological sociology, and the social construction of reality. The interpretive method is more accepting of free will and sees human behavior as the outcome of the subjective interpretation of the environment. Wunthrow (1975) expanded on Weber's work in his seminal text Meaning and Moral Order: Explorations in Cultural Analysis. Wunthrow argued that the study of culture had been ill-served by a subjective orientation that reduces cultural objects to individual beliefs and meanings. He also discussed the issues surrounding cultural analysis, including the problem of meaning, the nature of moral order, the character and role of ritual, the role of ideology, and the function of the state in producing ideology (Wunthrow, 1975).
Seeking an alternative approach, Wuthrow (1987) identified four theoretical schools that inform the work of social scientistssubjectivity, the structural, the dramaturgic, and the institutionaland examined the methodological implications of employing each of them. The subjective school encompasses an individual's beliefs, attitudes, opinions, values, ideas, moods, goals, outlook, anxieties, interpreting reality, and commitment. The structural school encompasses orderly relations, rules, coherence, identity, distinction, and symbolic boundaries. The dramaturgical approach includes the expressive dimension, which includes an individual's communicative properties and interactions with othersthe institutional school encompasses organizations as actors.
This study will primarily focus on the subjective component of Wunthrow's (1987) framework, as this study seeks to explore the experience of coping through the use of informal institutions at the individual level. Because beliefs and customary practices to combat illness are rooted in culture, which necessitates the involvement and commitment of the individual, and are not necessarily solely controlled or optimized by groups or institutions. Therefore, Wunthrow's (1975) framework is useful because it has both cultural and material consequences. On the one hand, there are apparent social, economic, and financial consequences that result from individual health issues when many people in the community are ill or are at risk of becoming ill. Formal and informal institutions must react accordingly and appropriately; however, the individual underpins both. Through the application of interpretive theory, the researcher will focus on the subjective perspective to highlight the importance of the individual in relationship to the community, as well as the individual's reliance on informal institutions.
Relationship between Theoretical Constructs
As shown earlier in Figure 1, each of these components influences an individual's action and coping behaviors during a crisis. With the application of these two frameworks, it can be inferred that an individual's decision-making process during a pandemic is influenced by four perspectives (i.e., the normative, culture-cognitive, regulatory, and subjective perspectives) and how the individuals' cognitive beliefs and prior experiences may prevent appropriate responses to change. The normative perspective influences the extent to which one perceives their government as capable or just. From the perspective of an individual living in rural Africa who is often a victim of continued unpunished corruption by governing bodies, there is often a perception of less responsive leadership (Bratton, 2010). Consequently, individuals expect little, if any, assistance from the government during a time of crises, such as a pandemic.
The culture-cognitive perspective influences the social networks and identities within which an individual aligns and how these influence their decision-making (Linden, 2015). Based on the culture-cognition perspective, an individual's decision-making is influenced by their worldview. With the perceptions of government underperformance, the Afican individual derives most of their support from their social networks. As such, they make decisions based on the position(s) held by those with whom they share essential ties (Linden, 2015).
The regulatory perspective captures the effectiveness of sanctions available to cushion individuals against institutional failure. The court system, which is meant to regulate the functioning of formal institutions, often lacks independence (Amoako, 2018). Consequently, individuals have little confidence in the effectiveness of the formal regulatory system and its ability to ensure accountability in formal institutions. Sanctions governing informal institutions include shaming, boycotting, ostracism, shunning, gossip, internalized norms adherence (standard operating procedures), self-enforcement obligation mechanisms, and use of violence. These sanctions have little support in law and are, consequently, highly ineffective (Amoako, 2018). Thus, those who live in rural African often have low confidence in their ability to regulate and ensure ethical compliance by informal institutions. Finally, the subjective perspective involves an individual's needs, feelings, and attitudes, and how these influence their decision-making during crises. Finally, path dependency explains how these perspectives intersect with an individual's cognitive beliefs and prior experiences with an institution to inform their future actions and coping behaviors.
Action and Related Outcomes
In the absence of government service delivery and being disconnected from communal programs, individuals who live in rural African during a crisis, such as a pandemic, utilize informal institutions at the individual level as a coping strategy. For instance, due to a lack of access to government-provided healthcare and a lack of funds to seek private healthcare, an individual might choose to use herbs and customary medicine practices. Further, with the loss of employment and lack of supportive support programs, the city dweller, unable to raise house rent, disposes of their property and returns to rural areas.
One of the resultant outcomes of this action is an increased level of coping; the challenges the individual faces during the crisis and the fact that they have to cope without participating within a community helps them build resilience to deal with future pandemics. The individual also develops an increased level of adapting as they are forced to create innovative ways to survive based on age-old customs. For instance, they learn to plant food and prepare medicinal herbs as opposed to relying on prescribed drugs, hence increasing self-sufficiency and self-development. Finally, the individual restructures the norms and rules they previously held to align with the reality posed by the crisis.
Definition of Key Theoretical Concepts
Concept
Meaning/Definition
Subjective school
Encompasses an individual's beliefs, attitudes, opinions, values, ideas, moods, goals, outlook, anxieties, interpreting reality, and commitment.
Structural school
Encompasses orderly relations, rules, coherence, identity, distinction, and symbolic boundaries
Dramaturgical approach
Includes the expressive dimension, which consists of an individual's communicative properties and interactions with others
Institutional school
Encompasses organizations as actors
Normative element
Represents the values and norms of a culture or institution and allows for the establishment of individual roles (Scott, 2008)
Regulative element
Represents the values and norms of a culture or institution and allows for establishing individual roles (Scott, 2008).
Cultural-cognitive element
Represents the "shared conceptions that constitute the nature of social reality and creates the frames through which meaning is made" (Scott, 2008, p. 67)
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
The purpose of this interpretative phenomenological analysis is to understand the coping behaviors of individuals living in rural South Africa, Nigeria, and Swaziland and who engage with informal institutions to cope during the COVID-19 pandemic. Informal institutions include but are not limited to religious organizations, community groups, community functions, social practices, etc. In Africa, customary practices in institutions are often preferred over scientific methods for fighting the spread of disease during pandemics (Manguvo & Mafuvdaze, 2015). Informal institutions are adopted at the community level, which is particularly challenging during the COVID-19 pandemic due to the need for social distancing. It would be beneficial to understand this phenomenon at the individual level, as it might provide additional insights to inform the development of awareness campaigns and other relevant measures to help individuals who might not be able to rely on traditional community practices during a pandemic. Therefore, the following research questions will guide this interpretative phenomenological analysis:
