"Contrastive analysis, in its traditional form, was not able to account for the vast majority of errors that second-language learners made; in fact, learners from quite different language backgrounds appeared to make the same types of mistakes in the target language," he adds (McLaughlin, 1985, p. 14).
Since these early studies into language acquisition, other studies have shown that transfer from the first language does take place in the speech of children from certain first-language backgrounds and at certain times during the learning process. Therefore, McLaughlin cautions that, "It is an exaggeration to say that transfer from the first language is minimal and unimportant. The acquisition of phonological, syntactic, and morphological structures in a second language involves an interplay of both developmental and transfer factors. Transfer errors do occur and are extremely interesting for the researcher because of what they reveal about the learner's strategies" (p. 14). Nevertheless, the learner's first language tends to influence second-language acquisition in less direct and more restricted ways than it was once believed: "The evidence suggests that preschool children approach the task of second-language learning in much the same way they approached the task of learning their first language. Some authors speak of the reactivation of children's facility for language acquisition or of a creative construction process" (McLaughlin, 1985, p. 14).
A recent analysis of the linguistic adaptations that speakers make when transferring Spanish elements into the modern speech of inhabitants of Easter Island, Chile (known as Rapanui) by Makihara (2001) examined Spanish transfers and the mechanisms of adaptation at the levels of phonology, morphology, lexicon, syntax, and discourse. This study included a discussion of the phonological adaptation; application of Rapanui-bound morphemes; possessive class assignment; kin and emotion semantic fields; syntactic category crossing; the introduction of a modal construction of obligation, coordinating conjunctions, and an adverb of negation; and the use of Spanish elements as discourse markers and the indexicality they make possible. This author reports that, "Among lexical items, nouns are most transferable. Synchronically, the transferred Spanish elements are integrated through a combination of phonological, morphological, and syntactic means. Diachronically, they may go through a process of nativization requiring a certain amount of time to be accepted as part of the 'native' lexicon and grammar" (p. 191).
Children vs. Adult Code Switching.
All children are unique, of course, and the manner in which they go about acquiring first or second languages differs from individual to individual, just as with adults; however, there are some commonalties that exist that can provide some valuable insights into the general processes that are taking place. In this regard, McLaughlin (1985) advises that, "Children vary greatly in language learning -- whether it be a question of a first or a second language" (pp. 15-6). Early studies of language acquisition by children showed surprised researchers when they determined that children's language was both orderly and systematic. According to Bialystok and Hakuta (1994), "Some of this they discovered by analyzing the productions of children that, by adult standards, would be considered errors. But the errors clearly revealed that the children were actively formulating rules rather than behaving like parrots" (p. 29). In fact, as Bakker emphasizes, "There are no objective criteria to decide what is complex and what is simple. All natural languages are learned without effort by children" (1997, p. 24).
A large number of studies have investigated the order in which grammatical inflections were acquired by children, which was also investigated in first-language learners. By and large, this line of investigation showed that learners of a second language followed a fairly common sequence of acquisition (Bialystok & Hakuta, 1994). This finding held true for child and adult learners as well as for a variety of native languages and situations of language learning. To be sure, there were anomalies: for example, the English articles a and the continued to present problems for native speakers of many Asian languages (which do not have articles); likewise plurals and number agreement for speakers of Japanese, which does not have these grammatical rules; the findings, though, were consistent in showing that commonalities in second-language learning were attributable to factors that transcended native language characteristics: "Second-language learning was not a process of modifying what you already knew to arrive at the second language. Instead, it was quite simply 'language learning,' a process of constructing a new system from all our available human resources" (Bialystok & Hakuta, 1994, p. 31).
According to her recent analysis of discourse, interview, and observational...
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