Clinton The main purpose of Bill Clinton's 2004 autobiography entitled My Life is for the author primarily to tell his story. Included within the framework of this primary purpose is for Clinton to place his stance and opinions on the record, which is to say he hopes to annul the opinions of his detractors and critics while bolstering the opinions of those who would laud his legacy. Clinton undoubtedly also writes his autobiography to receive accolades, and garner attention his career and legacy.As McCrum puts it, Clinton's autobiography extends "his continuing appeal for history's mandate." Similarly, Kakutani states that the purpose of the autobiography is "not for the reader, but for himself and some distant recording angel of history." In other words, Clinton does not necessarily need to reach out personally to the reader for the autobiography to have a political purpose. For Clinton, the autobiography needed to be told because it was a "good story," (Prologue). He also tacitly hopes to inspire others, because he states in the prologue, "I always tried…to lift people's spirits, and to bring them together." Finally, the Clinton autobiography has an overarching marketing purpose in that it may be used as a tool in the burgeoning political campaign of the former First Lady. My Life can be used for "boosting (or at least not undermining) the political career of his wife, Hillary Rodham Clinton," (Kakutani). For the most part, My Life fulfills all of its author's purposes. By penning his autobiography, Clinton can remain more firmly in control of the opinions of historians.

The key questions of this autobiography are how Clinton will be judged, what his legacy is, and how he will be remembered. Clinton wants to ask, as well as answer, questions. He wants to know how people view him and how well he will be liked in history, and he also wants to answer questions related to why he made certain decisions and what he intends to do with his legacy now that he is no longer President. Because Clinton is still in a position of power, though, the questions remain valid. One ancillary question answered by the autobiography is how Clinton views the more scandalous elements of his presidency like the Lewinsky affair and his controversial foreign policy measures. Clinton responds to questions related to the Lewinsky scandal by admitting his errors. In the autobiography, also answers key foreign policy questions. For example, Clinton clarifies his stance on conflicts in the Middle East and Somalia, among other issues. Another core question of this autobiography is how Clinton came to be president. This is a central question most readers will have, because it is perpetually interesting to learn how persons acquire power when they are not necessarily born into an elite family. Clinton was in fact born in an unlikely scenario within which to become president; he was a fat kid with a drunken stepfather and a broken family. His nickname was Bubba, and he went on to become a Rhodes scholar at Oxford University, one of the most prestigious in the world, and then the governor of Arkansas, his home state. Yet Clinton claims to have always harbored political aspirations and dreams, to make a unique mark on the world.

The most important information contained in this autobiography includes the details of his upbringing, because they lend insight into the character and leadership style of the former president. Knowing the personal upbringing of a person in power offers clues as to what variables, like which personality traits, might make for a successful career. Ambition is certainly one of those traits, but as Clinton shows, the acquisition of power depends much on one's ability to be shrewd in interpersonal relationships and make strategic connections with those who can aid and abet. Politics is about forging relationships. In the process of sharing information about the nature of politics and political culture in America, Clinton divulges information about his favorite foods and other predilections, which are trivial bits of information but which allow the author to convey the totality of his life without reverting to self-censorship or the formalities of academic discourse. Instead, Clinton focuses on the important themes in his life like power, prestige, and channeling the competing forces of the ego. Clinton does admit to feeling like he is continually being pulled in multiple directions due to the nature of the public/private divide. Other important information contained in the autobiography relates to the behind-the-scenes data about decisions related to key policy matters and the nature of the high stakes relationships cultivated between world leaders like Tony Blair and Yasser Arafat. Readers will gain much from reading Clinton's accounts of the conversations and interactions he has had with leaders, as it lends insight into the grounded and real nature of politics.

The primary inferences and...

No person in power is ever perfect, and all struggle with issues related to personal integrity, ethics, and the split between one's personal needs, desires, and family issues on the one hand, versus the public persona and the need to wield and project authority on the other. Clinton exemplifies all traits of a megalomaniac who wrestles with the implications of his presidency. The reader can conclude that Clinton hopes his legacy is a positive one, in spite of the impeachment and various other scandals. Whether readers change their opinions about Clinton or not is irrelevant, for the conclusion of the work does point to factual evidence related to what Clinton actually did do in the Oval Office, as well as what he did not do.
Key concepts the reader needs to understand in this autobiography include politics, political culture, leadership, public relations, strategic analysis, foreign policy, personal triumph, and storytelling. Clinton occasionally addresses issues like corporate debt and the economy. Because Clinton only gets "within earshot of serious politics," however the reader does not need to comprehend global politics or political theories like neoliberalism with any great depth (McMurty 2). The contents of the book are presented in ways accessible to mainstream readers without a Fullbright or Rhodes scholarship. Moreover, the reader can glean much from the process and function of autobiography. An autobiography should tell a strong story and read like a narrative, as My Life does. Furthermore, the autobiography should capture the voice of the speaker whether or not a ghostwriter was used. Based on Clinton's oratorical legacy and his educational background, it can be assumed that he did actually write the book himself. Clinton also needed to dig deep into his background and history to piece together the disparate elements of his life. This is perhaps why Kakutani calls My Life a "pastiche." Other concepts that need to be understood include how an individual can, or cannot as the case may be, effectively balance public and private life or as Clinton puts it, integrate two "parallel lives."

The main assumptions underlying the author's thinking on key political issues include Clinton's belief in human rights within a neoliberal framework. Clinton believes in fundamental human rights such as basic gender equity and the rights of women, evident in his treatment of Roe v. Wade and related abortion issues. The underlying assumption is that a woman is a human being, and a cluster of cells that has not developed yet into a human being cannot be compared on any legal or ethical grounds. Moreover, Clinton cannot find any reason why Roe v. Wade conflicts with Constitutional law or American values. In fact, to oppose Roe v. Wade would be more un-American, within the Clinton framework. Other assumptions include Clinton's belief in the free market with some restraint. Clinton claims that supporting corporations by enabling them to borrow and go into debt is fine only if those corporations can offer deliverables. When productivity or payback is not evident, then debt is not only unproductive, but also potentially unethical as it creates social justice and labor market problems. On some issues, Clinton's underlying assumptions are vague. For instance, he refers to the agreements between the United States and Mexico without taking a firm stance on whether the War on Drugs is effective, and likewise refuses to take a strong stance on issues like religion in public schools or gays in the military. Clinton also assumes that the private insurer model in health care is effective, and yet at the same time suggests that universal coverage is preferable. "I thought we should try for universal coverage," he states (283). Clinton also fails to recognize the uselessness in retaining the war on drugs, even as he discusses the problems with drug policy.

If we take Clinton's line of reasoning seriously, the implications are that few things are actually broken in America but that the issues that do need attention are too deeply entrenched. Clinton would be correct; some of the systemic problems would…