Civil War
Historians have long puzzled over the contradictions within Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. As a statement of general principle it seems compromised by Lincoln's refusal to extend manumission to slaves within those border states which permitted slavery but which had remained within the Union at the onset of hostilities: Missouri, Kentucky, Delaware and Maryland. This central contradiction was observed at the time; Evans notes that some Abolitionists claimed it was a clever but meaningless document that freed only those slaves now firmly under Confederate control, in states where Lincoln had no power to do so. 'A poor document but a mighty act,' the Governor of Massachusetts said to a friend. (Evans 192)
I would suggest, however, that our confused understanding of the Emancipation Proclamation derives from understanding the document as part of Lincoln's military strategy. The better way to understand the Emancipation Proclamation is within the context of foreign affairs. Even as a matter of military strategy, Lincoln's chief goal in issuing the document on New Year's Day in 1863 was less to disrupt the South, and more to prevent the British government from granting diplomatic recognition or military aid to the South. But I will also note the ways in which the South employed the same sort of symbolic politics in attempting to influence European views of the U.S. Civil War to their advantage.
The British took a keen interest in the progress of the U.S. Civil War because to a certain extent domestic politics in Britain in 1860 greatly complicated the question of whether they might favor the North or South. The great textile looms of industrialized northern England required a constant supply of cotton: British colonial holdings in India were intended to make this supply chain secure, but we must recall that Queen Victoria would not be proclaimed Empress of India until 1876. In 1860, Great Britain's economy was partly dependent on American cotton, while the economy of the Confederacy was almost wholly dependent upon cotton exports to England. Douglass North, in his account of the American economy in the period immediately before the U.S. Civil War, notes that in 1815 the annual value of cotton export comprised about a third of all U.S. exports, but by 1860 cotton accounted for more than half of the American economy overall (North 233). North additionally notes that the great majority of cotton grown in the South was exported in this period, reflecting the fact that England had experienced industrialization earlier than America. If a Southern victory was in England's economic interests, though, it would definitely be badly received by large sectors of English society, on the basis that Parliament in 1833 had passed a Slavery Abolition Act in response to increasing public outrage (particularly among large England's evangelical Christian community, galvanized by the oratory of William Wilberforce) over the institution. As a result, Lincoln
It is within this context -- in which Great Britain had a vested interest in the outcome of the American Civil War -- that we must understand the way in which both North and South would court British support. Their means for doing so was primarily diplomatic at first, but such diplomacy could only extend so far. England would not offer official diplomatic acknowledgement of the Confederacy as a sovereign nation, because to a certain extent such recognition would provide such substantial aid to the Southern cause that it could be perceived as outright intervention. Jones usefully summarizes the status quo by mid-1862:
The hesitant British stance regarding recognition had upset the South as well as the North. The new Confederate secretary of state, Judah P. Benjamin, complained that by not extending recognition, England prolonged a devastataing war by encouraging...
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