Even conservatives in the U.S. Senate were never warm to the rhetoric of Bolton. He was rude, pushy, and the most anti-United Nations ambassador in the history of American diplomacy. In fact Bolton wanted the U.S. To pull out of the UN at one point. It was difficult to imagine why a U.S. president, even a conservative president, would seek to appoint a man with such a shrill, ostentatiously hostile attitude about the institution he was appointed to serve.
In his critique of Bolton's book (Surrender is not an Option), Richard Gowan (associate director for policy at the Center on International Cooperation at New York University) notes that Bolton famously stated: "The United Nations to this day remains the UN of UNICEF trick-or-treating on Halloween…" (Gowan, 2008, p. 502). Bolton alluded to Europeans as "EUroids" and he attacked his department superiors (Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice) for participating in dialogue that preceded Bush's invasion of Iraq. As to members of the U.S. Senate that supported six-party talks on North Korea, Bolton called them "Munchkins" -- much as a little bully in middle school somewhere would call students he was hoping to induce into a fistfight.
The point of bringing up Bolton is that Badescu rightly should have pointed out that not all American dealings through and with the UN have been arrogant and self-serving; and by failing to mention extremely bad actors like Bolton, she does her readers a disservice.
Meantime, on page 59 Badescu explains that there may be alternatives to states having to go through the UN, especially in cases where the Security Council is deadlocked, as often is the case, in a paralyzing stalemate of political wrangling and stalling. That solution is to use the General Assembly, as an alternative to the Security Council. Articles 10 and 11 of the UN Charter state that the General Assembly has a "responsibility regarding matters related to the maintenance of international peace and security" (Badescu, p. 59). When the Security Council is "unable or unwilling" to effectively deal with a humanitarian issue, the General Assembly can then meet in emergency session under "Uniting for Peace" procedure and with a two-thirds vote on the assembly floor, can indeed pass a resolution authorizing the use of force "for human protection purposes," Badescu continues on page 59.
Moreover, the author also asserts that Article 51 in the Charter explains that regional organizations may use force without prior UN authorizations -- indeed regional states may act in self-defense or in what the UN Charter refers to as "collective self-defense" (p. 60). Admitting that Article 51 is not really totally clear, Badescu also mentions Article 52, which supports the "responsibilities of regional arrangements"; the article states, albeit somewhat vaguely, that "nothing in the Charter should preclude the existence of regional arrangement...
interventionism from the perspective of realism vs. idealism. Realism is defined in relationship to states' national interests whereas idealism is defined in relation to the UN's Responsibility to Protect doctrine -- a doctrine heavily influenced by Western rhetoric over the past decade. By addressing the question of interventionism from this standpoint, by way of a case study of Libya and Syria, a picture of the realistic implications of "humanitarian
Post War Iraq: A Paradox in the Making: Legitimacy vs. legality The regulations pertaining to the application of force in International Law has transformed greatly from the culmination of the Second World War, and again in the new circumstances confronting the world in the aftermath of the end of the Cold War. Novel establishments have been formed, old ones have withered away and an equally enormous quantity of intellectual writing has
strategy executed by the United States (U.S.) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) met the criterions for a just war as defined below. Both the U.S. And NATO did not fight this war in order to overthrow the Yugoslavian government nor to give the Kosovo Albanians a country of their own. Rather, the war was fought to stop the needless ethnic violence against the Albanians living in Kosovo
A long passage is quoted here by way of showing what all these various writers are concerned about: (Kane, 2003)May 2002 brought the odd spectacle of ex-President Jimmy Carter standing shoulder to shoulder in Havana with one of the U.S. government's oldest enemies, Cuban president Fidel Castro. Carter, on a mission to convey a message of friendship to the Cuban people and to seek some common ground between Cuba
The lack of action over Rwanda should be the defining scandal of the presidency Bill Clinton. Yet in the slew of articles on the Clinton years that followed Clinton's departure from power, there was barely a mention of the genocide." The UN, pressured by the British and the U.S., and others, refused to use the word "genocide" during the event, or afterward when it issued its official statement of condemnation
Those officials who did look at the question of Japanese intentions decided that Japan would never attack, because to do so would be irrational. Yet what might seem irrational to one country may seem perfectly logical to another country that has different goals, values, and traditions. (Kessler 98) The failures apparent in the onset of World War II and during the course of the war led indirectly to the creation
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