Abstract

On July 26, 1948, Executive Order 9981: Desegregation of the Armed Forces was signed into law eliminating segregation in the military by President Truman. He envisioned an armed force that would extend opportunities to all persons. Though the Army strives to recruit a diverse fighting force that reflects the United States' diversity, it tends not to reflect at the senior leadership level. However, African-Americans tend not to branch or choose combat arms military occupational specialty (MOS), thus not setting themselves up to be selected for a senior leadership position, when 59% of the general officer assignments are combat arms. To this end, the purpose of this qualitative methods study using a document analysis research strategy was to identify the main reasons behind the unreasonable representation rates of African-Americans in senior leadership positions in the U.S. armed forces today in order to formulate appropriate and timely recommendations to address this constraint in the future.

Table of Contents

Abstract ..

Chapter One: Introduction ..

Chapter Two: Review of Literature ..

Chapter Three: Methods ..

Chapter Four: Results ..

Chapter Five: Discussion, Conclusion and Recommendations ..

32

Why there are few African-American Military Officers in Senior Leadership Positions

Chapter One: Introduction

Today, of the approximately 1.3 million men and women on active duty in the U.S. armed forces, fully 43%, or about 560,000 individuals, are African-Americans (Cooper, 2020). However, at present, there is a stark and persistent paucity of senior leaders among these African-Americans service people among the more than half-million servicepersons in the military. Indeed, these disparate representation rates have remained stagnated for more than a half-century, with little or no substantive progress having been made in reducing these disparities. Although some encouraging signs are emanating from the White House and Pentagon at present that promise to improve African-Americans' promotion opportunities to attain top leadership positions in the future, the process requires time, and some observers suggest time is no longer a luxury that the U.S. armed forces enjoy.

The experience of African-Americans in the U.S. armed forces is inexorably tied to more than 350 years of slavery, which began in the early 1600s and the Jim Crow era, resulting in a nadir in American racial relations during the early part of the 20th century (Kendrick, 1998). Despite these brutally challenging and dehumanizing experiences and the obstacles in their path to equality, African-Americans have served with honor and distinction in every war that has been fought by the United States, including the Revolutionary War. In fact, according to Ender and his associates (2015), "Indeed, a Black, 47-year-old, runaway slave named Crispus Attucks was the first American killed by a British soldier [...] in the course of events which would lead to independence in the United States" (p. 231).

One of the especially noteworthy aspects of this early commitment by African-Americans to defend the United States is the fact that they were actually exempted from the U.S. Militia Act of 1792, which mandated involuntary military construction for all males, but which was subsequently interpreted to mean that these provisions did not apply to blacks, free or otherwise (Ender et al., 2015). Nevertheless, and despite fighting against one white supremacist government on behalf of the similarly constituted United States and being treated far differently from their white counterparts, African-Americans have historically served the country as members of the armed forces. In this regard, Ender et al. (2015) point out that, Yet, in the new United States, African-Americans continued to serve in times of war in particular, in the War of 1812, and the Mexican Wars but their status as a soldier was second class at best (p. 231). Furthermore, and despite offers of their freedom…

Abstract

On July 26, 1948, Executive Order 9981: Desegregation of the Armed Forces was signed into law eliminating segregation in the military by President Truman. He envisioned an armed force that would extend opportunities to all persons. Though the Army strives to recruit a diverse fighting force that reflects the United States' diversity, it tends not to reflect at the senior leadership level. However, African-Americans tend not to branch or choose combat arms military occupational specialty (MOS), thus not setting themselves up to be selected for a senior leadership position, when 59% of the general officer assignments are combat arms. To this end, the purpose of this qualitative methods study using a document analysis research strategy was to identify the main reasons behind the unreasonable representation rates of African-Americans in senior leadership positions in the U.S. armed forces today in order to formulate appropriate and timely recommendations to address this constraint in the future.

Table of Contents

Abstract ..

Chapter One: Introduction ..

Chapter Two: Review of Literature ..

Chapter Three: Methods ..

Chapter Four: Results ..

Chapter Five: Discussion, Conclusion and Recommendations ..

32

Why there are few African-American Military Officers in Senior Leadership Positions

Chapter One: Introduction

Today, of the approximately 1.3 million men and women on active duty in the U.S. armed forces, fully 43%, or about560,000 individuals, are African-Americans (Cooper, 2020). However, at present, there is a stark and persistent paucity of senior leaders among these African-Americans service people among the more than half-million servicepersons in the military. Indeed, these disparate representation rates have remained stagnated for more than a half-century, with little or no substantive progress having been made in reducing these disparities. Although some encouraging signs are emanating from the White House and Pentagon at present that promise to improve African-Americans' promotion opportunities to attain top leadership positions in the future, the process requires time, and…

Abstract

On July 26, 1948, Executive Order 9981: Desegregation of the Armed Forces was signed into law eliminating segregation in the military by President Truman. He envisioned an armed force that would extend opportunities to all persons. Though the Army strives to recruit a diverse fighting force that reflects the United States' diversity, it tends not to reflect at the senior leadership level. However, African-Americans tend not to branch or choose combat arms military occupational specialty (MOS), thus not setting themselves up to be selected for a senior leadership position, when 59% of the general officer assignments are combat arms. To this end, the purpose of this qualitative methods study using a document analysis research strategy was to identify the main reasons behind the unreasonable representation rates of African-Americans in senior leadership positions in the U.S. armed forces today in order to formulate appropriate and timely recommendations to address this constraint in the future.

Table of Contents

Abstract ..

Chapter One: Introduction ..

Chapter Two: Review of Literature ..

Chapter Three: Methods ..

Chapter Four: Results ..

Chapter Five: Discussion, Conclusion and Recommendations ..

32

Why there are few African-American Military Officers in Senior Leadership Positions

Chapter One: Introduction

Today, of the approximately 1.3 million men and women on active duty in the U.S. armed forces, fully 43%, or about 560,000 individuals, are African-Americans (Cooper, 2020). However, at present, there is a stark and persistent paucity of senior leaders among these African-Americans service people among the more than half-million servicepersons in the military. Indeed, these disparate representation rates have remained stagnated for more than a half-century, with little or no substantive progress having been made in reducing these disparities. Although some encouraging signs are emanating from the White House and Pentagon at present that promise to improve African-Americans' promotion opportunities to attain top leadership positions in the future, the process requires time, and some observers suggest time is no longer a luxury that the U.S. armed forces enjoy.

The experience of African-Americans in the U.S. armed forces is inexorably tied to more than 350 years of slavery, which began in the early 1600s and the Jim Crow era, resulting in a nadir in American racial relations during the early part of the 20th century (Kendrick, 1998). Despite these brutally challenging and dehumanizing experiences and the obstacles in their path to equality, African-Americans have served with honor and distinction in every war that has been fought by the United States, including the Revolutionary War. In fact, according to Ender and his associates (2015), "Indeed, a Black, 47-year-old, runaway slave named Crispus Attucks was the first American killed by a British soldier [...] in the course of events which would lead to independence in the United States" (p. 231).

One of the especially noteworthy aspects of this early commitment by African-Americans to defend the United States is the fact that they were actually exempted from the U.S. Militia Act of 1792, which mandated involuntary military construction for all males, but which was subsequently interpreted to mean that these provisions did not apply to blacks, free or otherwise (Ender et al., 2015). Nevertheless, and despite fighting against one white supremacist government on behalf of the similarly constituted United States and being treated far differently from their white counterparts, African-Americans have historically served the country as members of the armed forces. In this regard, Ender et al. (2015) point out that, Yet, in the new United States, African-Americans continued to serve in times of war in particular, in the War of 1812, and the Mexican Wars but their status as a soldier was second class at best (p. 231). Furthermore, and despite offers of their freedom by the embattled and struggling Confederacy if the South prevailed in the Civil War (an offer that profoundly contradicted the fundamental precepts upon which the Confederacy was founded), African-Americans also played an essential role in winning the Civil War (Ender et al., 2015).

It is also important.......d the first half of the 20th century, African-Americans continued their of military service to the country even when they were compelled to serve in segregated units. These trends, though, did help to underscore further the need for senior African American military leaders to command these segregated units, including the famed Buffalo soldiers in the Indian and Spanish American Wars. Consequently, Henry O. Flipper became the first African American graduate from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point in 1877 as a direct result. Another 24 blacks graduated from the academy by the fin de sicle (Ender et al., 2015).

Although race relations remained strained during the first decades of the 20th century, growing numbers of African American men and women came to regard service in the armed forces as a viable path towards greater social equality, and these views became especially pronounced following the entry of the United States into the bloody battlefields of World War I. Here again, however, despite their honorable and even heroic service to the nation, the very same African American men and women were once again relegated to a second-class citizen status once the war had been won (Ender et al., 2015).

Things began to change in more substantive ways, though, during and following Americas existential challenges in World War II. For instance, according to Ender et al., World War II facilitated a continued struggle on the part of African-Americans to serve in the military, and they did so with gallantry. That effort propelled them demonstratively forward in the struggle for both military and societal integration (p. 233). This particular struggle was resolved by Executive Order No. 9981 promulgated by President Harry S. Truman in 1948, which desegregated military units which would go on to fight the battles of the Korean and Vietnam wars. These contributions to the nations defense and security were responsible, at least in part, for the grudging acceptance of the Civil Rights Act an subsequent federal legislation that was designed to guarantee African-Americans their fundamental constitutional civil rights.

In what can be regarded as yet another historic turning point for African-Americans serving their country in the military, the percentage of blacks in the armed forces remained consistently high even after the end of conscription and the introduction of the All-Volunteer Force in 1973. Since that time, African American representation in the U.S. armed forces has consistently outpaced their representation in the general American population, a trend that continues to the present day, a trend that is examined in more depth in Chapter Four which follows below. These trends have remained fairly high despite the end of the AVF in 1973, and African American representation in the U.S. armed forces has remained higher than their corresponding representation in the general American population, a reality that further underscores their commitment to serving and protecting the nation.

Notwithstanding this extensive track record of military service, the numbers of African-Americans enlisting in the armed forces has been on the decline, most notably in the U.S. Army and Marine Corps, a trend which became evident following the cessation of hostilities in the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. The decline in enlistments in the U.S. Army and Marines is noteworthy because these two services are tasked with executing the ground component of warfare on land, making them the indispensable boots on the ground that are still required for conventional war.

Although these recent modest declines in enlistments in these two critical service branches has succeeded in bringing the representation of African-Americans more in line with their overall representation in the American population, the U.S. military still provides invaluable career opportunities for many African-Americans who might not be able to secure these benefits elsewhere (Segal & Thanner, 2007). In this regard, Ender et al. conclude that While their numbers are currently more in line with their proportional representation in the larger society, previous representation suggested both a tradition of service, patriotism, and providing the African-American community with a major path towards career development not found in the civilian economy (p. 233). These opportunities, however, are also characterized by the fact that minorities in general and African-Americans, in particular, consider themselves far more likely to be assigned to hazardous combat scenarios such as those witnessed in Korea and Vietnam, a perception that is further affected by ongoing reports of institutionalized racism in the armed forces over the past 30 years or so (Ender et al., 2015).

Notwithstanding the multiple benefits that accrue to individuals that serve in the armed forces, the combined effects of these negative perceptions on the part of many African-Americans may help explain the current dearth of top-ranking black leaders in the U.S. military. As examined further in the literature review that follows immediately below, there have been some exceptions, most notably the assignment of retired four-star Army general Lloyd Austin as the first African American Secretary of Defense, but promotion opportunities have been bleak for the vast majority of black officers in recent years. For instance, according to Brook (2020), The lack of Black officers in the Armys combat commands has diminished the chances for diversity in military leadership for years to come, resulting in a nearly all-white leadership of an increasingly diverse military and nation. The Army, the largest of the armed services, has made little progress in promoting officers of color, particularly Black soldiers, to commands in the past six years (para. 4).

This failure has made sources, of course, but much of the blame has been assigned to the former executive administration, which made it a point to defend the use of the names of Confederate heroes for major military bases in the United States and reportedly even delayed the promotions of females to the rank of general for fear of offending the previous resident of the Oval Office who lacked any formal military experience whatsoever. This anti-military stance placed a further dampening effect on the African-Americans' progression during this administration, but the actual process has been long felt by active-duty personnel. For example, Brook (2020) points out that Black people make up 22.7% of enlisted soldiers, 16.5% of warrant officers and 11% of officers on active duty as of July [2020]. At the officer levels, this is a decrease from 21%, 18.4% and 12.6%, respectively, in 2010 [and] the stakes of fairness and equity are manifest [as well as] the military's ability to defend the nation (2020, para. 6).

The purpose of this qualitative study concerns the key reasons behind the inordinate representation rates of African-Americans in senior leadership positions in the U.S. armed forces at present. Providing a qualitative analysis examining the differences between African-Americans and their armed forces counterparts will help address the lack of diversity in senior leadership positions. A qualitative literature review of peer-reviewed and scholarly resources together with primary data developed from semi-structured interviews served to illuminate the multiple barriers prohibiting African-Americans officers from reaching those senior positions. Finally, recommendations to decrease the racial imbalance in the Armed Forces conclude the study.

The study was guided by the following research questions:

1. How does military service affect interracial perceptions and attitudes?

2. What has been the historic role of African Americans in the U.S. armed forces compared to today?

3 What is the current representation of African Americans in top commissioned leadership positions compared to the American population at large?

4. What steps are being taken to address any identified disparities in representation among upper commissioned leadership echelons?

Significance of the study

Many of these more recent efforts to address disparities in the representation of African American commissioned officers in the top leadership echelons of the armed forces have serendipitously coincided with the nations outrage over the murder of George Floyd at the hands of law enforcement authorities, and these changes underscore the importance that overcoming racism in the military services has assumed in recent months. Indeed, in his testimony before a U.S. Congressional committee, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff made it clear that We must thoughtfully examine our institution and ensure it is a place where all Americans see themselves represented and have equal opportunity to succeed, especially in leadership positions (as cited in Brook, 2020, para. 6). In sum, and to paraphrase the cartoon character Pogo, We have met the enemy, and he is us for far too many African-Americans in the U.S. military today, but the research was consistent in showing that things are changing for the better, albeit at a painfully slow pace. In sum, African-Americans in the U.S. military have faced the double-whammy of institutionalized racism combined with the political turmoil that has rocked the armed forces in recent years, and these issues are examined further below.

Chapter Two: Review of Literature

African Americans