Another theorist with a different view is Chomsky (1988). Chomsky sees the acquisition of language as a process of input-output, what he calls a Cartesian view of language acquisition and language structure. He states: "We have an organism of which we know nothing. We know, or we can discover, what kind of data is available to it, and the first question we must try to answer is: what kind of mental structure does the organism develop when that evidence is presented to it?" (Chomsky, 1988, p. 102). Once we find an answer to this question, we can ask what sorts of processes have intervened leading form the data available to the knowledge that resulted. Chomsky explains:
The input-output situation is this: a child who initially does not have knowledge of a language constructs for himself knowledge of a language on the basis of a certain amount of data; the input is the data, the output -- which of course is internally represented -- is the knowledge of a language. It's this relationship between the data available, and the knowledge of the language which results from the child's mental activities, which constitutes the data for the study of learning -- of how the transition takes place from the input data to the resulting knowledge (Chomsky, 1988, p. 102).
Chomsky states that this is different from the behaviorist stimulus-response conception, which he says can only lead to a system of habits, a network of associations or some structure of a similar sort. He says it is quite impossible to formulate as a system of habits or as a network of associations the processes which will account for the sound-meaning relation that we all know we have mastered intuitively when we learn English. For one thing, language has a creative aspect in which ambiguities are balanced in ways that convey meaning in spite of the ambiguities: "Whatever a habit-structure is, it's clear that you can't innovate by habit, and the characteristic use of language, both by a speaker and a hearer, is innovation" (Chomsky, 1988, p. 103).
Chomsky's formulation has certain good points: 1) it makes a strong link between the environment of the speaker and the acquisition of language; 2) it provides for relationships between different languages that show a similar mode of thought on the part of speakers everywhere and that thus would explain the acquisition of language in different societies and at different time periods; and 3) it helps explain the acquisition and use of language as an ongoing process and as one in which the speaker participates as innovator. The theory also has certain bad aspects: 1) it points to the sources of language acquisition and the mechanisms of language acquisition without really explaining the process that takes place; 2) it presumes underlying modes of thought in language without identifying or examining them; and 3) it does not make clear what the social role of language acquisition may be or whether there is such a role. Both theories offer interesting ideas for speculation, but neither can be considered definitive.
Review of Literature
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